scholarly journals Femina oeconomica. Fighting against Landflucht in the Program of Agrarian Women’s Movement in Prussia before the Outbreak of World War I

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-45
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Szudarek

Abstract In February 1914, the Agricultural Associations of Housewives, operating in the Eastern provinces of Prussia since the 1890s, were subordinated to organisations responsible for the development of agriculture in Prussia, which were dominated by conservatives and noble landowners. This came about on the initiative of some influential agrarians, who, in this way, wanted to strengthen their influence in rural areas, as well as to include the women’s agrarian movement in combating the outflow of labour from agriculture. The women’s organizations, having been politicized in this way and adopted by agrarian leaders after 1908, were to implement a new strategy for preventing the migration of rural population to cities. This is as a resulted of the partial support for Heinrich Sohnrey’s programme and his concept of improving the quality of life in rural areas. Elisabet Boehm, the founder of the associations, from the very beginning of their existence, sought to cooperate with agricultural organizations. She believed that this would be the only way for members to gain access to the expertise for implementing the main point of the association’s agenda, i.e. the professionalization of women’s work in rural areas. The article focuses on explaining the circumstances that led to the interest of the agrarians in the women’s agrarian movement and its inclusion in the reform programme for rural prosperity launched just before the war and showing that the cooperation was primarily aimed at using the associations to strengthen their influence in rural areas.

2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (31) ◽  
pp. 248-261
Author(s):  
Marek Przeniosło ◽  
Małgorzata Przeniosło

Initially, the military operations during World War I were advancing at some distance from Vilnius. The offensive of the Central Powers directly threatened the city as late as in the summer of 1915. At that moment preparations started to evacuate important offices, economic and financial structures from Vilnius. Also, the people employed in these institutions, especially those of executive level, started to gradually leave the city (usually with their families). The intensification of this flight came in late August and September. The men of military age were being evacuated as well. A large number of the inhabitants of the Vilnius region sympathized with the Russians, which was understandable given the fact that their cousins and relatives served in the tsarist army. Some remained neutral. After the outbreak of the war the requisitions made by the Russian army were a serious problem for the population. They were especially acute for the farmers. The tactics of "burned land" used by the retreating Russian troops was an even greater threat to the residents of the Vilnius region and their property. Although the action did not much affect Vilnius, it had a serious impact on the rural areas in the region, including those located in the direct vicinity of the city. On 18 September 1915, the German troops entered Vilnius. The residents of the region responded calmly to the change of the situation, there were no cases of panic. The occupied lands, previously held by Russia, were treated by the Germans as a loot, hence they were exploited to the maximum extent. It was directly reflected in the quality of life of the civilian population.


Author(s):  
William Thomas Okie

The period from 1900 to 1945 was characterized by both surprising continuity and dramatic change in southern agriculture. Unlike the rest of the nation, which urbanized and industrialized at a rapid pace in the late nineteenth century, the South remained overwhelmingly rural and poor, from the 1880s through the 1930s. But by 1945, the region was beginning to urbanize and industrialize into a recognizably modern South, with a population concentrated in urban centers, industries taking hold, and agriculture following the larger-scale, mechanized trend common in other farming regions of the country. Three overlapping factors explain this long lag followed by rapid transformation. First, the cumulative effects of two centuries of land-extensive, staple crop agriculture and white supremacy had sapped the region of much of its fertility and limited its options for prosperity. Second, in response to this “problem South,” generations of reformers sought to modernize the South, along with other rural areas around the world. These piecemeal efforts became the foundation for the South’s dramatic transformation by federal policy known as the New Deal. Third, poor rural southerners, both black and white, left the countryside in increasing numbers. Coupled with the labor demands created by two major military conflicts, World War I and World War II, this movement aided and abetted the mechanization of agriculture and the depopulation of the rural South.


Author(s):  
Richard Wagner

The term “tax state” originated in a controversy between Rudolf Goldscheid and Joseph Schumpeter over the treatment of Austria’s public debt in the aftermath of World War I. Goldscheid asserted that this debt represented a crisis for a state that relied on taxation. Schumpeter argued that the crisis was temporary and could be resolved by a one-time capital levy to reduce the debt, after which the state could resume its tax-based mode of operation. This chapter explains that Goldscheid’s analysis was more on the mark than Schumpeter’s, because perpetual crisis is a systemic quality of the admixture of private and collective property. Mitigation of this systemic crisis requires modification of political activity in relation to property rights, as illustrated by extending the principle that hotels are forms of city state.


1980 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 357-370

Léo Marion’s life coincided with World War I as a youth in a family of seven of very modest means, with the start of the Great Depression on the achievement of his Ph.D. degree, with World War II during his middle age and, thereafter, with the emergence of his country from colonial to independent status. He saw the growth of science in Canada from a bare presence to an important component of world science. The quality of his remarkable career should be measured accordingly. He had no advantages except for a fine mind and ‘an early natural taste for science encouraged by my mother’. To appreciate Léo Marion properly, one should read the biographical memoir he wrote with such loving care for the person with whom he worked hand in hand for over 23 years and which saw the blossoming of the National Research Council of Canada and the flourishing of science in Canada. To an important degree, he spoke as much for himself as for E. W. R. Steacie ( Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society , vol. 10, 1964) since we know that these two truly exceptional individuals worked so harmoniously and closely together toward commonly held objectives for the development of chemistry in Canada that their contributions in this regard cannot be separated. Both were especially distinguished for their deep interest in helping people who did good work. Together they set the best world standards for chemistry in Canada and strove successfully toward this goal with a vigour and dedication that is truly remarkable. The dangers of a bureaucratic planning of science was wisely understood and the foremost objective was to establish a scientific institution for creative work that minimized the evils of uniformity and arbitrary bureaucratic interference. The longer term objective of spilling excellence from within the National Research Council into the Canadian universities was achieved.


Author(s):  
Andy Lantz

Members of the Dada cultural and artistic movement began to experiment with film as a means to disseminate their stylistic partialities and cultural values through a new medium free of cultural respectability and aesthetic pretension. Founded in Zurich, Switzerland, by Tristan Tzara in 1916, this avant-garde movement would soon spread to France, Germany, the United States, and elsewhere. Much like the surrealists who would follow, the dadaists sought to liberate their audience from the cultural allegiances, prejudices, and norms of thinking that, in their view, had been largely responsible for the catastrophes of World War I. Unlike surrealist film, dadaist film did not seek to lure its viewers into the cinematic illusion. Instead, dadaists employed unconventional methods in order to alienate the audience members and to provide them the distance with which to reflect upon the meta-artistic (and anti-artistic) quality of their productions. Film enabled the dadaists to distort reality, motion, and perspective; it revealed familiar things in radically unfamiliar but persuasive new shapes.


2019 ◽  
pp. 11-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Onno van der Hart

Some World War I clinicians related the symptoms of traumatized servicemen to an underlying dissociation of their personality, consisting of two prototypical conditions: one involving functioning in daily life (inspired by Myers, whose work is also discussed in this article, and which will be labeled apparently normal part of the personality [ANP]) and one involving fixation in the traumatic experience and related attempts at defense (emotional part of the personality [EP]). These authors described two dissociative patterns. As illustrated in this article, one pattern consisted in the presentation of a dominant ANP suffering from constant or frequent intrusions from EP. The other pattern consisted in repeated complete alternations between ANP and EP. Instead of the use of purely symptom-oriented approaches, for the dissociative symptoms to be really resolved, an integration of traumatic memory in the personality, that is, between EP and ANP had to take place. These clinicians used hypnosis to access the traumatic memory and EP and to foster such integration; they agreed on the importance of the quality of the therapeutic relationship in this regard. However, they differed in opinion and practice as to the need to assists patients in their expression of traumatic emotions during this process. When the trauma was related merely to war experiences, such therapeutic processes took place within a simple phase-oriented treatment model, while in the presence of a history of previous trauma and related dissociation of the personality, this model had more complex applications. This is similar to modern treatment approaches of the sequelae - such as a complex dissociative disorder - of chronic (childhood) traumatization.


2009 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Lyall ◽  
Isaiah Wilson

AbstractDuring the nineteenth century, states routinely defeated insurgent foes. Over the twentieth century, however, this pattern reversed itself, with states increasingly less likely to defeat insurgents or avoid meeting at least some of their demands. What accounts for this pattern of outcomes in counterinsurgency (COIN) wars? We argue that increasing mechanization within state militaries after World War I is primarily responsible for this shift. Unlike their nineteenth-century predecessors, modern militaries possess force structures that inhibit information collection among local populations. This not only complicates the process of sifting insurgents from noncombatants but increases the difficulty of selectively applying rewards and punishment among the fence-sitting population. Modern militaries may therefore inadvertently fuel, rather than deter, insurgencies. We test this argument with a new data set of 286 insurgencies (1800–2005) and a paired comparison of two U.S. Army divisions in Iraq (2003–2004). We find that higher levels of mechanization, along with external support for insurgents and the counterinsurgent's status as an occupier, are associated with an increased probability of state defeat. By contrast, we find only partial support for conventional power- and regime-based explanations, and no support for the view that rough terrain favors insurgent success.


Arabica ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-139
Author(s):  
Itzchak Weismann

AbstractBadr al-Dìn al-Hasanì (1850-1935) appears in the biographical literature of Syria as its foremost man of religion from World War I to the Great Revolt. This article examines his life and work within the context of the gradual shift of the Syrian ulema of his day from the older "politics of notables" to a new strategy of popular mobilization. It argues that Badr al-Dìn's image was "invented" during the early Mandate by disciples in search of legitimization for their populist agendas of an Islamic educational system and agitation against French rule. They accordingly presented him as a self-standing scholar who transcended all religious divisions, reprimanded "unjust" rulers and supported the Arab cause. This "romantic" image of Badr al-Dìn was to prevail over the alternative image of him as an accommodating religious notable which emerges from the French sources.


1946 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane Perry Clark Carey

Statelessness, in its technical sense, is the result of denationalization by the country of origin of a person who has acquired no citizenship elsewhere. A stateless person is also referred to as staatenlos, apatride. Protection and assistance may be withdrawn by the country of a person's origin without juridical suppression of that person's nationality. Such a person outside his own country, though not fully denationalized, is in a position in some measure akin to that of the stateless, as neither has the protection of any government.Although many refugees are stateless, statelessness is not the essential quality of a refugee, who is defined in accepted international usage as a person who for political reasons has been driven from his country of origin, or who fears the political consequences of his return. He may be stateless, or, although not technically denationalized, may have lost the protection of his government by refusing to return home when the possibility was presented. As a person without governmental protection, he loses the advantages of international rights which depend for enforcement on the action of his home government. Furthermore, an alien who is not a national of any state is denied many of the privileges of a citizen, granted reciprocally through treaties. Such treaties give to the citizens of one state privileges in other states party to the treaties, including the right to work, the benefits of social insurance (such as workmen's compensation laws), and the right to education.


The article reexamines the question, previously raised in historical scholarship and journalism, of the possible role of Viacheslav Zaikin, a well-known historian and graduate of Kharkiv University, as a “provocateur” during World War I. In Ukrainian historiography, in contrast to Russian, the work of imperial law enforcement institutions with covert agents has been given little to no attention. The necessary sources are either lacking or unavailable. The purpose of this study was to try and compare the well-known accusations against Viacheslav Zaikin, made by his contemporaries, with gendarmerie documents, primarily agent reports, about the activities of Ukrainian youth organizations in which he may have been involved. This approach does not guarantee an accurate answer to the question. But at least it should enable one to take steps in that direction, namely: to determine whether or not Viacheslav Zaikin’s acting as a “provocateur” was possible at all (and thus to exclude the opposite); to ascertain the (im)possibility of his supplying intelligence to law enforcement by placing it into the context of the circumstances of his life and activities; to determine the correspondence of the contents of this intelligence to Viacheslav Zaikin’s status and connections in Ukrainian organizations, etc. The author’s research establishes that: a) the quality of information in the agent reports fits Viacheslav Zaikin’s capabilities and his place in the Ukrainian youth circles of Kharkiv; b) the fact that Viacheslav Zaikin himself does not figure in gendarmerie documents looks very suspicious; and c) no categorical conclusions can be made due to the insufficiency and inconsistency of the available evidence.


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