Putting the Safe Back Into the Safeguards of Federalism: A Comparative Analysis of the Complexities of Political Safeguards

Federalism-E ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-88
Author(s):  
Benjamin Burroughs ◽  
Evan Vilos

To fully comprehend how the political safeguards of federalism actually guard federalism and preserve the Constitutional balance between State and national government, we must chart its history in order to better ascertain the implications of political safeguards in our day. In contrasting the work of Wechsler and Kramer with that of Smith, we are able to view the complexities concerning the debate as to how political parties and judicial reviews function to safeguard federalism. In building off Kramer’s views that informal means such as political parties constitute a political safeguard of federalism, we draw attention to the potential obstacles that interest groups pose to the safeguarding process [...]

2019 ◽  
pp. 237-255

Resumen: El trabajo se centra en una cuestión poco tratada, como es la renta básica universal y su relación con los actuales programas de los partidos políticos, con los que han concurrido a las elecciones generales, con una doble dimensión: a) lo que cada programa presenta y defiende acerca de esta renta o medidas similares (justificación, alcance y límites), y b) una vez esbozadas la idea y alcance de la renta en cada partido, el análisis comparativo de las diversas propuestas de los partidos, abundando en la cercanía o la distancia de tales propuestas con una renta básica universal Palabras clave:renta básica universal, rentas de solidaridad, políticas sociales, igualdad social, soluciones a la pobreza. Abstract: The work focuses on a little-treated issue, as it is the universal basic income and its relationship with existing programmes of the political parties, which have attended the general election, with a double dimension: (a) what each program presents and defends about this income or similar measures (justification, scope and limits), and b) once outlined the idea and scope of the income in each party, the comparative analysis of the various proposals of the parties, abounding in the closeness or distance of such proposals with a universal basic income. Keywords:universal basic income, income from solidarity, social policy, social equality, solutions to poverty.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-84
Author(s):  
Kari Alenius

This article analyzes how ethnic minorities were taken into account in the Finnish and Estonian constitutions, and why account was taken precisely in a certain way. At the same time, it approaches what kinds of views were presented by different political parties and interest groups, what kind of debate was being held in Parliament and how the matter was dealt with in the leading media. The outcome of the process in both countries was that exceptionally broad linguistic and cultural rights were given to minorities if the situation was compared with the rest of Europe. There were several factors behind the process. One factor was the relationship between ethnic groups in Finland and Estonia in the historical perspective. Another factor was each country's internal debate on what kind of social order in general was to be built. The third factor was how the politics in Finland and Estonia was influenced by international trends and theories about how ethnic minorities should have been treated.


Author(s):  
Peter Ferdinand

This chapter deals with political parties: why they emerged, how they can be classified, what functions they perform, how they interact, and what challenges they are facing today. One of the paradoxes about democracies is that there is almost a unanimous consensus about the indispensability of political parties. On the other hand, the benefits of being a member of a political party are bound to be minuscule compared to the costs of membership. Thus it is irrational for people to join parties. They should only form (small) interest groups. The chapter first provides a historical background on the development of political parties before discussing their functions, such as legitimation of the political system, structuring the popular vote, and formulation of public policy. It then considers different types of political parties as well as the characteristics of party systems and concludes with an analysis of the problems facing political parties today.


2020 ◽  
pp. 266-286
Author(s):  
Peter Ferdinand

This chapter deals with political parties: why they emerged, how they can be classified, what functions they perform, how they interact, and what challenges they are facing today. One of the paradoxes about democracies is that there is almost a unanimous consensus about the indispensability of political parties. On the other hand, the benefits of being a member of a political party are bound to be minuscule compared to the costs of membership. Thus it is irrational for people to join parties. They should only form (small) interest groups. The chapter first provides a historical background on the development of political parties before discussing their functions, such as legitimation of the political system, structuring the popular vote, and formulation of public policy. It then considers different types of political parties as well as the characteristics of party systems and concludes with an analysis of the problems facing political parties today.


10.29007/dqlp ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanna Skorczynska

The study looks into the lexical choices made in the political manifestos of two new political parties participating in the 2015 Spanish general election: Ciudadanos and Podemos, which share similar programmatic goals and aim to reach voters dissatisfied with the dominating two big parties: the conservative PP and the socialist PSOE. The two manifestos are compared using the ‘compare corpora’ tool of Sketch Engine, and the keywords and their collocational patterns are analyzed with a special focus on evaluative adjectives. Finally, the two manifestos are also compared to the Spanish presidents’ inaugural speeches. The results suggest that the manifestos rely on distinct lexical choices, pointing to differences in the ideological stance. The manifesto of Podemos clearly breaks away from the traditional political discourse in Spain, while Ciudadanos is more conventional in this sense.


2020 ◽  
Vol 01 (02) ◽  
pp. 14-20
Author(s):  
Nodira Sardarovna Rasulova ◽  

The article examines the role and place of interest groups in civil society, their functions, specificity of activities, similarities and differences from political parties. Based on an analysis of the opinions of prominent scientists and political scientists, the main task of interest groups is shown - mediation between the state, seeking to protect common interests, and civil society, expressing private goals and interests. The possibilities of various groups of interests to influence the authorities, as well as to bring to the attention of political decision-makers, the needs and demands of the population, have been determined. Specific proposals and recommendations have been formulated aimed at increasing the political and legal activity of citizens.


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 455-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas T. Holyoke ◽  
Jeff Cummins

Does more lobbying by more interest groups, especially groups representing a state’s largest business sector, lead to greater spending and debt? Or does the blame really rest with state lawmakers and their political parties, which compete to attract and retain the allegiance of these powerful organized interests so they can win control of state government? We test this question with data on annual state budgets from 2006 to 2015, the number of interest groups in each state for those years, the size of the constituencies in different economic and social sectors these groups potentially represent, and the degree of competition between the political parties. Our results reveal that while there is a positive interest group effect on spending, the effect becomes negative as parties compete more for control of the state. As the gatekeepers, lawmakers and their parties, more than interest groups, are ultimately responsible for a state’s fiscal condition.


1969 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Léon Dion

Studies on participation concentrate on electoral and partisan phenomena. They fail to deal with participation through advisory bodies. So far, the latter have been considered mainly from a legalist or administrative viewpoint, or from pseudo-philosophical premises. Such studies are a disappointment to the political scientist because they do not take into account the full political dimension of participation and because they do not use a political system as an analytical framework. Without adopting a rigorous system, the present study in its central section aims at showing how the development of consultative devices has affected the relative position of three major internal components of the political system: legislative assemblies, administrations, and governments. In the concluding section, an attempt has been made to show how consultation, if studied properly, would similarly affect most other levels of the political system. A particular emphasis has been placed on establishing the relationships of consultation as a mechanism of political input with two other such mechanisms: interest groups and, particularly, political parties.


1969 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Léon Dion

After indicating that no rigorous political theory of groups exists, chiefly because interest groups are not genuine groups in the sense of “real collective units,” the author examines the disadvantages and advantages of using the systems analysis approach for the study of political parties and interest groups. Three correctives are suggested to systems theory, as it has been developed by a number of authors and more especially by David Easton, to make it better suited for the analysis of parties and interest groups. First, the environment must be made operational by the introduction, in addition to the political system, of a social system, providing constraints on the analyst comparable to those of the political system itself, and by the identification within both systems of a social and a political dynamic. Second, greater attention must be given to the way in which parties and interest groups, inasmuch as they act as input mechanisms, permit interactions between the social and the political systems. Third, a sharper focus must be put on the way the input function of political systems throws light on the life of groups.


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