scholarly journals The Emerging Parties' Manifestos for the 2015 Spanish General Elections: a Comparative Analysis of Lexical Choices

10.29007/dqlp ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanna Skorczynska

The study looks into the lexical choices made in the political manifestos of two new political parties participating in the 2015 Spanish general election: Ciudadanos and Podemos, which share similar programmatic goals and aim to reach voters dissatisfied with the dominating two big parties: the conservative PP and the socialist PSOE. The two manifestos are compared using the ‘compare corpora’ tool of Sketch Engine, and the keywords and their collocational patterns are analyzed with a special focus on evaluative adjectives. Finally, the two manifestos are also compared to the Spanish presidents’ inaugural speeches. The results suggest that the manifestos rely on distinct lexical choices, pointing to differences in the ideological stance. The manifesto of Podemos clearly breaks away from the traditional political discourse in Spain, while Ciudadanos is more conventional in this sense.

2019 ◽  
pp. 237-255

Resumen: El trabajo se centra en una cuestión poco tratada, como es la renta básica universal y su relación con los actuales programas de los partidos políticos, con los que han concurrido a las elecciones generales, con una doble dimensión: a) lo que cada programa presenta y defiende acerca de esta renta o medidas similares (justificación, alcance y límites), y b) una vez esbozadas la idea y alcance de la renta en cada partido, el análisis comparativo de las diversas propuestas de los partidos, abundando en la cercanía o la distancia de tales propuestas con una renta básica universal Palabras clave:renta básica universal, rentas de solidaridad, políticas sociales, igualdad social, soluciones a la pobreza. Abstract: The work focuses on a little-treated issue, as it is the universal basic income and its relationship with existing programmes of the political parties, which have attended the general election, with a double dimension: (a) what each program presents and defends about this income or similar measures (justification, scope and limits), and b) once outlined the idea and scope of the income in each party, the comparative analysis of the various proposals of the parties, abounding in the closeness or distance of such proposals with a universal basic income. Keywords:universal basic income, income from solidarity, social policy, social equality, solutions to poverty.


2008 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 289-291
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Steger

Understanding why certain candidates get nominated is an important aspect of political scientists. This topic is a narrow one and influences a wider variety of subjects such as the political parties, general elections, and even the extent to which the United States is a democratic country. Presidential nominees matter—they become the foremost spokesperson and the personified image of the party (Miller and Gronbeck 1994), the main selectors of issues and policies for their party’s general election campaign (Petrocik 1996; Tedesco 2001), a major force in defining the ideological direction of a political party (Herrera 1995), and candidates that voters select among in the general election. This volume is devoted to presidential nominations and the 2008 nomination specifically.


Al-Burz ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-212
Author(s):  
Mehwish Malghanim ◽  
Faria Saeed Khan ◽  
Saima Yousaf ◽  
Zainab Akarm

Political discourse is inarguably deemed an essential tool, influencing people’s perception within a socio-political zone in an imperceptible manner. The present research titled “Inter-textual Analysis of Political Discourse in Party Manifestos” revolved around a critical discourse analysis of manifestos, as presented by five most popular Pakistani political parties, pertaining to the general election, held during the year 2013. With regard to the present context, the mentioned pursuit primarily aimed at linguistically analyzing the political discourse of the aforementioned manifestos at inter-textual level. The theoretical framework used to substantiate the overall analysis centered on Fairclough’s theory of intertextuality (1995) and van Dijk Ideological Square(2004). The findings of the research revealed that all the political parties under study, brought into use the discursive strategy of intertextuality in their party manifestos in order to enhance the positive self image of party to in-group people, by hunting the negative aspects of the out-group, thereby (re)constructing people’s political identities and ideologies and achieving the desired hegemony in a way peculiar to itself. Research of  the kind can be conducted further by analyzing the other dimensions of political discourse and the resultant ideologies, influencing the current state of affairs as prevalent around the globe with special focus on the linguistic aspects of the political discourse.


Author(s):  
Ikegbunam, Peter .C ◽  

Nigeria and Nigerians have witnessed different kinds of electoral frauds since the return to democracy in 1999. Counting from the 1999 general election in Nigeria, the 2019 general election is the 6th general elections conducted in the country. Unfortunately, none of these elections have been considered to be free and fair as there are always public outcries from one end to another against the results of the elections as a result of lack of transparency in the process. Drawing from this background, this study, examines whether heavy use of WhatsApp platforms by different political parties in the election encouraged popular participation and effective monitoring of the electoral processes. The study which examined a total of 318 respondents sampled from select WhatsApp groups of the two leading political parties adopted the survey research method with the social media engagement and technological acceptance theories as its theoretical framework to ascertain whether the use of WhatsApp platforms by political parties encouraged popular participation among the electorate and determine if WhatsApp platforms were helpful to parties in monitoring the 2019 general election as well as its processes. Findings revealed that WhatsApp use encouraged popular participation and electoral process monitoring. The researchers recommended that the political parties and the electoral umpire should engage more in the use of social media platforms in passing information during, on and after election to encourage transparency in leadership.


Koneksi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Bella Adha Hendriana Moneter ◽  
Eko Harry Susanto

The 2019 legislative elections participated by many political parties in Indonesia, one of which was the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI). The more parties that participate in the General Election, the competition between each one of them become more strict in order to get a seat in parliament. Due to that reason, PSI did not pass on the DPR RI election level but somehow managed to get a 6.68% vote and get eight seats on the Jakarta DPRD election level. In this case, the purpose of this research is to study the political communication strategy of PSI Jakarta regarding the vote they got on Jakarta DPRD election level in 2019 General Election. This research is using the conceptualization of political policy, the conceptualization of political communication strategy, conceptualization of political policy, and conceptualization of political policy. political policy, and conceptualization of general elections as the theoretical basis. The research method in this research is a case study and the research approach in this research is descriptive-qualitative. The conclusion of this research shows that the political communication strategy used by PSI Jakarta to gain votes is by paying attention to the figures, stabilizing the institution, and creating togetherness. They also combined their politics communication strategy with the politics communication itself, in order to gain a lot more votes. Pemilu Legislatif Tahun 2019 diikuti banyak partai politik di Indonesia salah satunya partai baru, Partai Solidaritas Indonesia (PSI). Semakin banyak partai politik mengikuti Pemilu, semakin ketat kompetisi antar partai untuk mendapatkan kursi di parlemen. PSI tidak lolos memperebutkan kursi DPR RI, tetapi berhasil mendapatkan suara 6,68% atau delapan kursi di DPRD DKI Jakarta. Penelitian ini ingin mengetahui strategi komunikasi politik PSI Jakarta atas perolehan suara di DPRD DKI Jakarta pada Pemilu 2019. Landasan teoritik yang digunakan adalah konseptualisasi komunikasi politik, konseptualisasi strategi komunikasi politik, konseptualisasi partai politik, dan konseptualisasi pemilihan umum. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan strategi komunikasi politik PSI Jakarta untuk memperoleh suara yakni dengan merawat ketokohan, memantapkan kelembagaan, dan menciptakan kebersamaan. PSI Jakarta juga mengkombinasikan strategi komunikasi politik dengan unsur komunikasi politik.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ulyanova

The article analyzes the political discourse of the officials of the main political surveillance structure, – the Police Department, – in the period of 1880s (organization of the Department) and until October, 1905, when the Western-type Constitution project finally prevailed. The comparative analysis of the conceptual instruments (“Constitutionalists”, “Oppositionists”, “Radicals”, “Liberals”) typically used in the Police Department allows one to come o the conclusion that the leaders of the Russian empire political police did not follow the “reactionary and protective” discourse, did not share its postulates, but preferred the moderate-liberal-conservative path of political development. Along with that, the Police Department also demonstrated loyal attitude to zemsky administration and zemsky figures, covert criticism of “bureaucratic mediastinum”, the tendency to come to an agreement with public figures through personal negotiations, intentional omittance of reactionary and protective repressive measures in preserving autocracy. All this allows to come to the conclusion that the officials of the Police Department shares Slavophil public and political doctrine.


Res Publica ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 461-173
Author(s):  
André Philipart

As the restructuration of municipalities (local power) could bring along new local political alliances, one would have thought about the possibility of a relevant modification of the political map of Wallonie (French speaking region of Belgium) after the «elections communales» of October 10th, 1976.Some experts had even conceived that the reorganization of the local authority was a manoeuvre of the central government, made in order to neutralize a region in which the «Parti Socialiste Belge» had the majority (voices 36.8 % and 35.5 % of the deputies and senators mandates) . Others thought that the national political strategy would prevail.On the contrary, the results of the election have proved, that the «Parti Socialiste Belge» has kept its predominance in Wallonie (175 lists PSB in the 262 municipalities, 87 lists «en cartel» ; 58 got the majority of the votes and participation in the coalitions in more than half of the municipalities).  The other political parties (PSC, PLP, etc.) have kept their position.The national strategy didn't appear neither in the program, nor in the constitution of the voting lists ( 445 lists for the national parties, 541 local lists).The national political «variables» (alternatives)(government versus opposition; Brussel v. the regions; center v. pheriphery ; community v. community), haven't brought modifications to the local objectives for which the main reason remains either to keep the power or to make its conquest.


Tripodos ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 83-104
Author(s):  
María Díez Garrido ◽  
Eva Campos Domínguez ◽  
Dafne Calvo

El escenario digital ha impulsado pro­fundos cambios en el entorno político, entre los que se puede distinguir el im­pulso de la transparencia informativa. La transparencia se ha convertido en uno de los valores democráticos que los políticos quieren demostrar de cara a la ciudadanía, ya que es un signo de le­gitimidad, evolución y lucha contra la corrupción. Los partidos políticos han introducido la transparencia en sus dis­cursos y argumentarios. Precisamente las formaciones tienen una reputación baja en cuanto a apertura informativa. Este artículo pretende estudiar la intro­ducción de la transparencia en el dis­curso electoral de los partidos políticos. Para ello, se estudia la presencia de la transparencia en los programas elec­torales de las principales formaciones políticas españolas durante las últimas Elecciones Generales (2015 y 2016). A continuación, se realiza un análisis de contenido de sus páginas web, que pretende conocer su nivel de apertura informativa. Esta metodología nos per­mite descubrir si lo que promocionan las formaciones en los programas se relaciona con el desarrollo en sus pá­ginas web. Los resultados muestran las diferencias entre los nuevos partidos y los tradicionales, así como la evolución entre unos comicios y los siguientes.   Political Parties’ Transparency As an Electoral Strategy. An Evaluation of Their Promises and Their Websites The digital scenario has produced pro­found changes in the political environ­ment, and transparency is part of this transformation. Transparency has become one of the most valued aspirations that politicians want to demonstrate to the public, as it is a sign of legitimacy, evolution, and the fight against corrup­tion. Political parties have introduced transparency in their speeches and ar­guments. At the same time, political for­mations have a low reputation in terms of informative openness. This article aims to study the introduction of trans­parency in the political parties’ electoral discourse. To this end, we explore the presence of transparency in the electo­ral programs of the main Spanish poli­tical parties during the last two General Elections (2015 and 2016). Next, we carry out a content analysis of their web sites, which aims to gain deeper insight into their level of informative openness. This methodology allows us to determine if Spanish political parties promote in their programs the same ob­jectives that they put forward on their web sites. The results also show the di­fferences between the new parties and the traditional ones, as well as their evolution between the General Elections in 2015 and 2016.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-332
Author(s):  
Ayesha Siddiqua

Purpose of the study: The purpose of the study is to examine the use of cyber hate by the Pakistan’s mainstream political parties. The issue of poll rigging in Pakistan’s General Elections 2013 is examined through discourse analysis of the related tweets. The study also aims at comprehending the extent to which cyber ethics were violated during the digital electoral campaigns. Methodology: Discourse Analysis of the tweets generated from the official Twitter handles of PTI and PMLN leaders was conducted to examine the use of cyber hate by the Pakistan’s mainstream political parties. Violation of cyber ethics was explored through the qualitative interviews of 8 purposively selected social media managers of PMLN, PPP, and PTI. Main Findings: The findings indicated that party leadership/politicians used the elements of cyber hate which included abusive language, provocation, and character assassination against their opponents during the digital electoral campaign in general and regarding the poll rigging issue of Pakistan’s General Elections 2013 in specific. Resultantly the tweets using strong adjectives and metaphors on the political opponents were more frequently re-tweeted and attracted more favorites. Applications of this study: The study can be helpful in various cross-disciplinary areas that focus on the examination of the usage and impact of social media and cyberspace as a medium for hate speech dissemination. The study can significantly contribute to areas related to cyber ethics, digital electoral campaigning, freedom of expression, and political opinion building. Novelty/Originality of this study: The study’s originality lies in its attempt to unfold the foundations of digital electoral campaigning in Pakistan and how cyberhate was used as a pivotal tool for advancing the political narratives in a fragile democratic society.


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