scholarly journals HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF FEDERAL FINANCES IN INDIA

2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Gopa Kumar

The paper confirms that the provisions of fiscal federalism laid out in the IndianConstitution are connected to the legacy of the British rule in India. Applying historicalanalysis the author divides the period from the starting of British imperial administration inIndia to the enactment of Indian Constitution into five different phases on the basis of theevolution of Centre-Province financial relations. The principles of fiscal federalism in Indiagradually evolved from highly centralized fiscal governance during the initial period of theBritish rule until being manifested in the Constitution. Various parliamentary enactments,executive directions, committees and commissions as well as individual interventioncontributed to this transformation. The paper further lays out the unique features of theIndian Constitution such as mutually exclusive tax domains and various mechanismsaddressing fiscal imbalances due to the Government of India Act of 1935 enacted by theBritish Parliament. It concludes that while British authorities designed the system of fiscaladministration in India after their preferences, the makers of the Indian Constitution preferredto retain the same provisions with minor variations in the Constitution of independent India.

2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 534-551
Author(s):  
Bhuwan Kumar Jha

The Nehru Report of August 1928 presented the blueprint of a Swaraj Constitution. Encapsulating the demands of the Indians to the colonial government as opposed to the latter’s insistence on seeking opinion through an all-whites commission, the report also presents the historical roots of our present Constitution. Amid opposing claims, consensus over the communal issues in the report, which appeared possible until late 1928, became elusive from the end of December 1928. It was mainly due to the closing of the ranks of significant Muslim leadership behind Jinnah, and an ever-increasing vigilant attitude of the Hindu Mahasabha in not allowing any change beyond what had already been agreed upon. The failure of the report meant an end to the hope of finding a consensual solution to a future Indian Constitution made by the Indians and for the Indians. This, in turn, provided the colonial government with an excuse to impose its scheme through the Communal Award, White Paper and subsequently the Government of India Act of 1935. So, the most elaborate constitutional framework prepared by the leading nationalist leaders during the pre-Independence era finally crumbled under the weight of communal deadlock. This article studies the processes through which the differences over communal representation became so overpowering that they rocked the entire boat. The widening of communal fault lines precipitated by contesting claims over the recommendations of the Nehru Report left serious repercussions over the trajectory of future Indian politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 502-517
Author(s):  
Rajani Ranjan Jha

Increasing corruption in public life in India has been a matter of growing concern since the early 1960s. The Administrative Reforms Commission recommended the appointment of the Lokpal institution in 1966. Since then, a number of Lokpal legislations were introduced in the Parliament in the years 1968, 1971, 1977, 1985, 1989, 1996, 1998 and 2001 without any success. The Anna Hazare movement of 2011 forced the Government of India to seriously think of introducing the Lokpal legislation. Finally, the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013, was passed. However, the Act is yet to be operationalised. While the Lokpal legislation lapsed one after the other, at their level many states enacted and introduced the Lokayukta institution. The success has been very limited so far as tackling corruption is concerned. The present article deals with these anti-corruption authorities in India in terms of their historical evolution, legislative features and experiences gained out of the working of the Lokayuktas.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chandrasekaran Mridul Bhardwaj

Abstract Ordinances making power is one of the most controversial powers that has been vested with executive in India. This power is a substitute of legislative power of the legislature and is meant to be used only in situations comprising of exigencies. However, in practicality this power has often been misused by the executive, and is used to circumvent the legislative process. Due the misuse of this power, it is imperative to examine its history and scope. The power to make ordinance have been a reminiscent of the British rule in India. It was conceptualized through the various Government of India acts, and then post-independence it was adopted under the Indian Constitution. Though the present form of ordinance making power is much more curtailed when compared to the British era, still it leaves ample discretion at the hand of executive to use it erroneously for political gains.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 362-371
Author(s):  
Abul Ala Mukhtar ◽  
Zafarullah Sahito ◽  
Abida Siddiqui

This case study inquires the perceptions and experiences of teachers about the English as a medium of instructions at government higher secondary schools of Warah city of Sindh, Pakistan. It witnesses that a large chunk of the population is diversified to use their provincial or regional languages as destined by socio-political heritage. Because English was remained a paramount part of educational context in Pakistan during British rule. In Sindh, students learn English from their teachers at their schools, who by no means really acquire the required proficiency in the English language. The research design undertaken was qualitative in nature and revolved around the semi structured interviews. English as a medium of instruction has a daunting and remarkable role to set to be set up across the globe. The mother tongue has the supreme role to play in the organized system of social institutions, which has massive resources of linguistics pouring down to the common people in the forms of superb streams of dialects with definite code of syntax, semantics and pragmatism. The extra reading materials with the support of technology, the English lessons can play a pivotal role to give internalization and adaptation of English language as a medium of instruction.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 01-03
Author(s):  
Xu . ◽  
Lishan .

Local governments play an indelible role in the process of world heritage protection. This paper attempts to explore the historical evolution of the development of Leshan Giant Buddha and Mount Emei and the current situation of local government management, so as to summarize some relevant experience of local government management for world heritage protection.


1967 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Briton Martin

In the spring of 1884 shortly before his viceroyalty came to an end, Lord Ripon wrote in an urgent manner to Lord Kimberley, then Secretary of State for India, about one of the more critical questions of policy confronting the Government of India: “You may rely upon it that there are few Indian questions of greater importance in the present day than those which relate to the mode in which we are to deal with the growing body of Natives educated by ourselves in Western learning and Western ideas.” Ripon was pointing to the existence of a new class of English-educated Indians within British-Indian society and to the failure of the Government of India to acknowledge this class and to absorb its talents and influence within the structure of British-Indian administration. That this problem begged for a realistic solution by 1884 and that it would continue to do so in the years ahead, he had no doubts whatsoever; it had been left too long to fester in a mode both damaging to the class itself and dangerous to British rule. In short, the English-educated Indian class had become a question of policy.Simply stated, as the opportunities for Western collegiate education expanded and the avenues leading towards entry into the East India Company's service became available, the doors either failed to open or were placed out of the reach of the educated Indians seeking entry. By 1850, with the new class in existence in limited numbers in Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, and Delhi and with additional graduates appearing annually to swell its ranks, frustrations began to emerge as the graduates found themselves unable to secure the public employment which the Charter Act of 1833 had implied was to be their just right.


1995 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 655-703 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tai Yong Tan

In 1920, Sikhs in the Punjab started a campaign aimed at freeing their principal gurdwaras (temples) from the control of their hereditary incumbents. The campaign quickly gathered momentum, and, within a few months, it developed into a non-violent anti-government movement. Unlike the rather shortlived 1919 Disturbances and the Non-Cooperation-Khilafat movement in the Punjab, the Sikh agitation, which came to be known as the Akali movement, did not cease until 1925 and caused considerable concern to the Punjab authorities, as well as the Government of India. The Akali movement was not limited, as in past cases of anti-British agitation involving the Sikhs, to small groups of disaffected Sikhs, returned emigrants, or Congress sympathizers; at its height in 1922, the unrest encompassed the bulk of central Punjab's Jat Sikh peasantry, one of the most militarized sections of Punjabi society. The Sikh community's martial traditions, fostered by their religious doctrines and culture, had been kept alive during British rule by the recruitment policies of the Indian Army, where, in 1920, one in every fourteen adult male Sikhs in the Punjab was in service. This meant that the abiding allegiance of the Sikh community to the Raj was a matter of considerable importance, and their estrangement, especially that of the Jat Sikh peasantry, would adversely affect the Sikh regiments of the Indian Army. It also meant that if the community as a whole was provoked into open rebellion, British hold on the Punjab could well nigh prove untenable.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Johnson

In 1911, the Government of India transferred the imperial seat of government from Calcutta to Delhi. The decision initiated an ambitious colonial building project that consumed massive human, material, and financial resources for the next two decades. The new city was meant to be not just a site of government but also a symbol of a new direction in British rule. As such, the transfer and building of a new capital caused tremendous debate in parliament, in the press, and in the worlds of art and finance. This paper examines one of these debates: the precise location of the new capital in the Delhi area. When news reached London that the Government of India planned to build the new capital in a largely rural area with little connection to Delhi's existing European community, Sir Bradford Leslie, an eminent railway engineer with long experience in India, prepared a town plan that placed the capital back within Delhi's European civil lines. His plan, the controversy it created, and its eventual rejection by the Government of India highlighted arguments over the meaning of British rule in India and who should benefit from it.


1955 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 463-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Henderson

One of the major premises of United States policy in Southeast Asia, as it has evolved during the past few years, appears to be that effective regional organization is a practical political possibility. To an increasing extent we have sought to implement policy objectives in the area through the development of regional institutions. Thus the United States took the lead in the negotiation of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty (the Manila Pact), which is a mutual security arrangement for the defense of Southeast Asia against aggression by means of armed attack or subversion. In the economic field we joined, after an initial period of hesitation, in the British Commonwealth-sponsored Colombo Plan for Cooperative Economic Development in South and Southeast Asia. While American economic assistance to Asian countries has always been, and still is, extended primarily on a bilateral basis, the government let it be known early in 1955 that it would be prepared to establish a special regional fund of about $200 million to be used for projects benefiting more than one country, if the nations concerned could themselves devise a satisfactory program. The fact that the Simla Conference, called soon thereafter by India to discuss the American proposal, failed to reach agreement on regional use of the fund does not negate the general impression of American concern for a regional approach.


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