10. A Discursive Monopoly: The Role of the Canadian Mainstream Media in the Social Dislocation of Aboriginal Peoples

Inquiry@Queen's Undergraduate Research Conference Proceedings ◽

10.24908/iqurcp.7875 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Erin O'Neill

Keyword(s):

Social Order ◽

Historical Context ◽

Aboriginal Peoples ◽

National Interests ◽

The Public ◽

Mainstream Media ◽

The Social ◽

Historical Fact ◽

Aboriginal Issues

This poster investigates the Canadian mainstream media’s power and participation in discourses of subjugation surrounding contemporary Aboriginal issues in a manner that discriminates against the realities of Aboriginal cultures and peoples and the historical context of the inequitable Aboriginal social location in Canada. I examine the ways in which the Canadian media has engaged in “reality construction” whereby a particular ideological perspective is imposed on the public that constructs Aboriginal peoples through stereotypes, omission of historical fact, and appropriation of identity. This is demonstrated by an analysis of the portrayal of Aboriginal peoples as a monolithic “problem people” for the Canadian nation in four prevalent categories: 1) as a threat to Canada’s national interests; 2) as a risk to Canada’s social order; 3) as an economic liability; and, 4) as a problem for the criminal justice system (Fleras and Elliot 2003:327). This was evident in reporting on the Kaschewan Reserve water contamination in 2000, the Marshall Decision court ruling in 1999, and the Oka Crisis protests in 1990. The discourses analyzed here are derived from particular power relations that produce stereotypical reporting in support of the dominant interests, thus manufacturing public opinion that divides Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal citizens by reducing the complexities of Aboriginal concerns. This reporting serves to justify the biased prescriptions of the Canadian federal government that discriminate against the values and realities of Aboriginal peoples. Finally, I identify the potential for resistance to these discourses through evidence of expanding Aboriginal media control and expression.

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Media Frames of the Ontario Safe Streets Act: assessing the moral panic model

SURG Journal ◽

10.21083/surg.v5i1.1320 ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 5 (1) ◽

pp. 11-17

Author(s):

Michael Bates

Keyword(s):

Social Order ◽

Moral Panic ◽

Control Mechanisms ◽

Moral Panics ◽

Media Frames ◽

Mainstream Media ◽

Political Interests ◽

The Social ◽

The Media

This paper assesses the “moral panic” framework of Stanley Cohen with reference to panhandling and squeegeeing in Ontario. There are four general tenets of the moral panic model, three of which can be said to have been documented in the case of panhandling in Ontario: a recognized threat (panhandling), a rise in public concern, and punitive control mechanisms established to eliminate the threat. This paper argues that the fourth tenet, a stereotypical presentation of the moral threat to the social order, has not been systematically analyzed, and therefore that is the task of this paper. Specifically, this paper examines the framing used by the mainstream print media in Ontario to construct the panhandling/squeegeeing problem. Articles and letters to the editor were sampled from two mainstream Ontario newspapers, the Toronto Star and the Ottawa Citizen, to examine the mainstream media’s framing of panhandling and squeegee cleaning. This sample was taken between 1995 and 2005, a timeframe which revolves around the implementation of the Ontario Safe Streets Act 2000, which is recognized as the punitive control mechanism designed to eliminate the threat of panhandling. The findings of this paper lead to the conclusion that panhandling in Ontario during the implementation of the Ontario Safe Streets Act does not constitute a classic moral panic by virtue of the role the media played. However, the evidence that punitive control mechanisms were established absent the support of the mainstream media suggests that a deeper understanding of the role of mainstream media as well as political interests is required with respect to framing moral panics.

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Theology in Public Space and Social Movements: Notes from Alain Badiou’s Concept of Event

Open Theology ◽

10.1515/opth-2018-0030 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 4 (1) ◽

pp. 395-406

Author(s):

Felipe Gustavo Koch Buttelli ◽

Clint Le Bruyns

Keyword(s):

Social Movements ◽

Public Space ◽

Social Order ◽

The Public ◽

Public Role ◽

The Social ◽

Before And After ◽

Role Of Religion ◽

The Church

Abstract The debate over the public role of religion and of theology has become quite urgent. Not only by the evident religious presence in the party politics sphere, nor by its influence in the Brazilian social culture and life, but by the role that theology and, in this case, the churches can have to transform the social order. The present work reinforces the emancipatory potential of theology and the action of the church in the public space, pointing to a priority locus, from which both reflection and practice can be emancipatedly formulated, namely, social movements. Social movements, it will be argued, are the space in which the spark that gives rise to social and political change emerges in reality. In this sense, some notes will be made from the notion of Event of Alain Badiou, which recognizes, so to speak, the unique epiphanic character of the Events that can divide history between before and after, which effectively have a radically transforming character. In this sense, the heuristic potential for the church and theology will be emphasized to engage in the struggles of movements in the experience of the Badiousian Events that we could characterize as based on the paradigm of revelation.

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Gloc-9 as Organic Public Intellectual: Hip and Polished, Raw and Cool

Plaridel ◽

10.52518/2017.14.2-02mndza ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 14 (2) ◽

pp. 25-48

Author(s):

Lara Katrina Mendoza

Keyword(s):

Gender Inequality ◽

Social Order ◽

Public Intellectual ◽

Public Intellectuals ◽

Political Will ◽

The Public ◽

The Social ◽

The Public Sphere ◽

Definition Of

This paper will present Aristotle Pollisco—the singer-rapper-songwriter known as Gloc-9—as an organic and a as-yet-unrealised public intellectual. The term “organic” describes Gloc 9’s lack of academic or institutional recognition. No academic institutions recognize his level of influence and power. As a public intellectual, however, Gloc-9 enjoys immense popularity with his core fanbase, which is largely made up of listeners from the lower classes. This paper uses both Antonio Gramsci’s definition of the organic public intellectual and Edward Said’s claim regarding the exhortation of public intellectuals who exercise their political will in the public sphere. Mikhail Bakhtin’s discourse on the carnivalesque will bolster this paper’s claim that Gloc-9 assumes the role of an organic public intellectual through his music. In attempting to confront powerful institutions, Gloc-9 upends the social order through his songs rather than engaging other public intellectuals and scholars in ideological discourse. The paper will closely examine five of Gloc-9’s chart-topping songs dealing with poverty, social injustice, gender inequality, and corruption.

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Evolution of the public administration system. The Republic of Estonia

Public Administration ◽

10.22394/2070-8378-2020-22-4-82-118 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 22 (4) ◽

pp. 82-118

Author(s):

YANA TOOM ◽

◽

VALENTINA V. KOMLEVA ◽

Keyword(s):

Public Administration ◽

Administration System ◽

The Public ◽

Administrative Reforms ◽

Social Sphere ◽

External Threats ◽

The Social ◽

The Republic

The article studies the main stages and features of the evolution of the public administration system in the Republic of Estonia after 1992. This paper presents brief geographical and socio-economic characteristics that largely determine the development of the country’s public administration. The evolution of the institution of the presidency, executive, and legislative powers are considered. The role of parliament and mechanisms for coordinating the interests of different groups of the population for the development of the country is especially emphasized. The authors analyze the state and administrative reforms of recent years, which were aimed at improving the quality of services provided to the population, increasing the competitiveness of different parts of Estonia, as well as optimizing public spending and management structure. The introduction of digital technologies into the sphere of public administration, healthcare, education, and the social sphere is of a notable place. Such phenomena as e-residency, e-federation, and other digital projects are considered. The development of a digital system of interstate interaction between Estonia and Finland made it possible to create the world’s first e-federation, and the digitization of all strategically important information and its transfer to cloud storage speaks of the creation of the world’s first e-residency, a special residence of data outside the country’s borders to ensure digital continuity and statehood in the event of critical malfunctions or external threats.

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Approaches to Supporting Local and Community Development

10.1093/oso/9780198817369.003.0030 ◽

2018 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Liesel Mack Filgueiras ◽

Andreia Rabetim ◽

Isabel Aché Pillar

Keyword(s):

Large Scale ◽

Mining Company ◽

The Sustainable Development ◽

Social Partnership ◽

The Public ◽

Mining Investment ◽

The Social ◽

Corporate Social

Reflection about the role of community engagement and corporate social investment in Brazil, associated with the presence of a large economic enterprise, is the major stimulus of this chapter. It seeks to present how cross-sector governance can contribute to the social development of a city and how this process can be led by a partnership comprising a corporate foundation, government, and civil society. The concept of the public–private social partnership (PPSP) is explored: a strategy for building a series of inter-sectoral alliances aimed at promoting the sustainable development of territories where the company has large-scale enterprises, through joint efforts towards integrated long-term strategic planning, around a common agenda. To this end, the case of Canaã dos Carajás is introduced, a municipality in the State of Pará, in the Amazon region, where large-scale mining investment is being carried out by the mining company Vale SA.

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Quantifying Media Effects, Its Content, and Role in Promoting Community Awareness of Chikungunya Epidemic in Bangladesh

Epidemiologia ◽

10.3390/epidemiologia2010008 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 2 (1) ◽

pp. 84-94

Author(s):

Mst. Marium Begum ◽

Osman Ulvi ◽

Ajlina Karamehic-Muratovic ◽

Mallory R. Walsh ◽

Hasan Tarek ◽

...

Keyword(s):

Social Media ◽

Web Based ◽

Study Objective ◽

The Public ◽

Mainstream Media ◽

Related Information ◽

Vector Borne ◽

Media Outlet ◽

And Control

Background: Chikungunya is a vector-borne disease, mostly present in tropical and subtropical regions. The virus is spread by Ae. aegypti and Ae. albopictus mosquitos and symptoms include high fever to severe joint pain. Dhaka, Bangladesh, suffered an outbreak of chikungunya in 2017 lasting from April to September. With the goal of reducing cases, social media was at the forefront during this outbreak and educated the public about symptoms, prevention, and control of the virus. Popular web-based sources such as the top dailies in Bangladesh, local news outlets, and Facebook spread awareness of the outbreak. Objective: This study sought to investigate the role of social and mainstream media during the chikungunya epidemic. The study objective was to determine if social media can improve awareness of and practice associated with reducing cases of chikungunya. Methods: We collected chikungunya-related information circulated from the top nine television channels in Dhaka, Bangladesh, airing from 1st April–20th August 2017. All the news published in the top six dailies in Bangladesh were also compiled. The 50 most viewed chikungunya-related Bengali videos were manually coded and analyzed. Other social media outlets, such as Facebook, were also analyzed to determine the number of chikungunya-related posts and responses to these posts. Results: Our study showed that media outlets were associated with reducing cases of chikungunya, indicating that media has the potential to impact future outbreaks of these alpha viruses. Each media outlet (e.g., web, television) had an impact on the human response to an individual’s healthcare during this outbreak. Conclusions: To prevent future outbreaks of chikungunya, media outlets and social media can be used to educate the public regarding prevention strategies such as encouraging safe travel, removing stagnant water sources, and assisting with tracking cases globally to determine where future outbreaks may occur.

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The 2016 Police and Crime Commissioner elections

Safer Communities ◽

10.1108/sc-01-2017-0002 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 16 (2) ◽

pp. 41-54 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Peter Joyce

Keyword(s):

Public Awareness ◽

Primary Source ◽

Source Material ◽

Content Type ◽

The Public ◽

The Social ◽

Key Issues ◽

The Subject ◽

The Government

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the 2016 elections for Police and Crime Commissioners (PCCs) and to compare them with those that took place in 2012. It seeks to evaluate the background of the candidates who stood for office in 2016, the policies that they put forward, the results of the contests and the implications of the 2016 experience for future PCC elections. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based around several key themes – the profile of candidates who stood for election, preparations conducted prior to the contests taking place, the election campaign and issues raised during the contests, the results and the profile of elected candidates. The paper is based upon documentary research, making particular use of primary source material. Findings The research establishes that affiliation to a political party became the main route for successful candidates in 2016 and that local issues related to low-level criminality will dominate the future policing agenda. It establishes that although turnout was higher than in 2012, it remains low and that further consideration needs to be devoted to initiatives to address this for future PCC election contests. Research limitations/implications The research focusses on the 2016 elections and identifies a number of key issues that emerged during the campaign affecting the conduct of the contests which have a bearing on future PCC elections. It treats these elections as a bespoke topic and does not seek to place them within the broader context of the development of the office of PCC. Practical implications The research suggests that in order to boost voter participation in future PCC election contests, PCCs need to consider further means to advertise the importance of the role they perform and that the government should play a larger financial role in funding publicity for these elections and consider changing the method of election. Social implications The rationale for introducing PCCs was to empower the public in each police force area. However, issues that include the enhanced importance of political affiliation as a criteria for election in 2016 and the social unrepresentative nature of those who stood for election and those who secured election to this office in these contests coupled with shortcomings related to public awareness of both the role of PCCs and the timing of election contests threaten to undermine this objective. Originality/value The extensive use of primary source material ensures that the subject matter is original and its interpretation is informed by an academic perspective.

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Transforming Labour: From the Workers’ State to the Post-Socialist Re-Organization of Industry and Workplace Communities

Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook ◽

10.1515/jbwg-2017-0015 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 58 (2) ◽

pp. 413-438

Author(s):

Eszter Bartha

Keyword(s):

Working Class ◽

Historical Context ◽

Symbolic Capital ◽

Left Wing ◽

Ruling Class ◽

Social Basis ◽

Standards Of Living ◽

The Social ◽

East German

Abstract The article seeks to place the workers’ road from socialism to capitalism in East Germany and Hungary in a historical context. It offers an overview of the most important elements of the party’s policy towards labour in the two countries under the Honecker and the Kádár regime respectively. It examines the highly paternalistic role of the factory as a life-long employer and provider of workers’ needs for the large industrial working class which the regime considered to be its main social basis. Given that the thesis of the working class as the ruling class was central to the legitimating ideology of the state socialist regimes, dissident intellectuals challenging this thesis were effectively marginalized or forced into exile. After the change of regimes, the “working class” again became an ideological term associated with the discredited and fallen regime. The article analyses the changes within the life-world of East German and Hungarian workers in the light of life-history interviews. It argues that in Hungary, the social and material decline of the workers – alongside the loss of the symbolic capital of the working class – reinforced ethno-centric, nationalistic narratives, which juxtaposed “globalization” and “national capitalism”, the latter supposedly protecting citizens from the exploitation by global capital. In the light of the sad reports of falling standards of living and impoverishment, the Kádár regime received an ambiguous, often nostalgic evaluation. While the East Germans were also critical of the new, capitalist society (unemployment, intensified competition for jobs, the disintegration of the old, work-based communities), they gave more credit to the post-socialist democratic institutions. They were more willing to reconcile the old socialist values which they had appreciated in the GDR with a modern left-wing critique than their Hungarian counterparts, for whom nationalism seemed to offer the only means to express social criticism.

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