scholarly journals Ukrainian-Georgian Relations at the present Stage

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-73
Author(s):  
E. I. Zyabkina

After the collapse of the USSR Ukraine and Georgia began to develop their interstate relations actively. This development was facilitated by the political processes in each of the states, as well as the foreign policy pursued by Kiev and Tbilisi. Initially, countries focused on expanding interaction with Western countries, which were considered to be potential partners. Ukraine and Georgia were eager to develop the relations with the EU and NATO. In turn, European countries and the United States paid increased attention to Ukraine and Georgia.The alignment of forces in each of the states contributed to the rapprochement of Kiev and Tbilisi. The political forces of both countries pursued a course of distancing from Russia and rapprochement with Western countries. As a result, Ukrainian-Georgian relations relied on similar political positions, which allowed countries to expand cooperation on a bilateral basis and within the framework of multilateral cooperation mechanisms.In recent years Ukrainian-Georgian relations have been developing dynamically. Two states are pursuing a policy of joining NATO, expanding cooperation with the EU. Ukraine is interested in deepening cooperation with Tbilisi due to strained relations with Russia. In addition, Ukraine seeks to use the Western sanctions policy towards Russia to solve domestic political and socio-economic problems. Whereas, Western countries are interested in strengthening the Ukrainian-Georgian tandem hoping to use it in promotion of their interests in the post-Soviet space and in implementing policies towards Russia.This article explores the prospects for the development of interstate Ukrainian-Georgian relations, which will reflect the political processes in the post-Soviet countries.

2020 ◽  

The authors of the book analyze domestic political processes and international relations in the post-Soviet space. They examine the balance of political forces in Belarus after the presidential elections in August 2020, and transformations of political systems in Ukraine and Moldova. The main features of formation of the political institutions in the countries of South Caucasus and Central Asia and the latest trends in their devel-opment are analyzed. Attention is paid to the Karabakh and Donbass conflicts. The book examines the policy of major non-regional actors (USA, EU, China, Turkey) in the post-Soviet space. The results of develop-ment of the EAEU have been summed up. The role in the political processes in the post-Soviet space of a number of international organizations and associations (the CIS, the Union State of Russia and Belarus, the CSTO etc.) is revealed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 76-83
Author(s):  
Pavel Ivanov ◽  

The article analyzes the role of the American leader as an indicator of internal political contradictions in European society. The subject of the research is the socio-political differences in Europe in the context of attitudes towards the political course and personality of US President D. Trump. The purpose of the study is to identify the main political forces that approve and share D. Trump's policies in the EU countries, the reasons for support, and efforts to advance their positions. The US initiatives to change the European political landscape are disclosed. The reasons for the growth of support for the US President and the transformation of attitudes towards him in European countries are revealed. The author reveals the conflict potential of socio-political challenges and the sharpness of disagreements regarding the policy of the White House. Conclusions are drawn about the similarity of the socio-political delimitation in European countries and the United States, a high level of D. Trump's influence on the internal political processes in the EU is noted. The author came to the conclusion about the strengthening of support for the American president, the growing popularity of the conservative parties of the «political alternative» and the deepening of the internal political division, both in Europe and in the United States.


Author(s):  
А.А. Askerbek ◽  

The events of the change of political regimes of the end of 2003 in Georgia, in 2004 in Ukraine and in 2005 in Kyrgyzstan are called “color” revolutions. They led to subsequent events: the Russian-Georgian war and criminal charges against Georgian President Micheil Saakashvili; towards the end of the political career of the revolutionary leader of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko, the collapse of the regime of Viktor Yanukovych and the hybrid war between Ukraine and Russia. And in Kyrgyzstan - to constant political instability. And at the moment, the reassessment of “color” revolutions is important, as an important lesson for these countries themselves and for the international community as a whole. The interpretation of the color revolutions themselves was dominated by two General approaches. On the one hand, there is criticism of the aggressive export of Western democratic standards to the post-Soviet space, sponsored by the United States. On the other hand, supporters of the events perceive them as spontaneous and truly democratic uprisings that contributed to the overthrow of autocratic regimes and initiated Pro-democratic changes.


2017 ◽  
pp. 97-124
Author(s):  
Iryna Vyshnia

The article analyses the main groups of scientific works in Ukrainian and foreign historiography. The main focus was made on dividing the existing historical researches into groups by their main object of study. Among them, one can distinguish the following ones: works reviewing the global and European political processes and the role of Ukraine and Moldova therein; the Ukrainian-Moldovan cooperation with the EU and NATO; Ukraine’s and Moldova’s participation in the integration processes on the post-Soviet space; the bilateral Ukrainian-Moldovan cooperation; the course and settlement of the Transnistrian conflict; political development of Ukraine and Moldova. Special attention is focused on the comparative analysis of the different perspectives of the Ukrainian, Moldovan (including Transnistrian), Russian and other authors on such issues as Transnistrian conflict, rapprochement of Ukraine and Moldova with the EU and NATO, the role of Russia in the Transnistrian conflict. The author underlines that the changes in political development of both countries, as well as those in the international relations greatly influenced the activity of researches surrounding bilateral relations of Ukraine and Moldova, so did they on such issues as Transnistrian conflict and the conflict in Donbas (Ukraine). It is concluded that even with numerous publications focused on Ukrainian-Moldovan relations existing, there is a huge number of unexplored issues in this category.


2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-42
Author(s):  
S. A. Pritchin

In 2021 the countries of Central Asia and the South Caucasus celebrate the 30th anniversary of independence. According to the paradigm of transitology, the political development of a state since the departure from the authoritarian regime entails progressive liberalization and democratization of political processes. And, in accordance with the predominant theoretical approaches, the post-Soviet states were expected to follow this path. However, a closer look at the specifi c scenarios of power alternation in the Central Asia and the South Caucasus provides a much more mixed picture: here the change of ruling elites took very diff erent forms and shapes. The choice of scenario for the transfer of power was always determined by a complex combination of internal and external factors, including the nature and characteristics of the political system of a particular state, its ethnic com-position, the socio-economic situation and external environment. Nevertheless, it is possible to discern several key scenarios: a ‘revolutionary’ scenario, which implies a violent change of power; an intra-elite consensus; transition of power to a successor; a hereditary transmission of power; democratic elections; a resigna-tion of a president. A comparative analysis of the political processes unfolding in the region over the past 30 years shows that even institutionally the countries of Central Asia and the South Caucasus are not ready yet for a competition policy. Moreover, the latter is generally viewed by their leaders as a threat to both the stability of the state and to the interests of the ruling elites. To this may be added the expansion of diff erent informal, archaic political practices across the post-Soviet space. The latter include the sacralization of power, when national interests are equated with the interests of the ruling clan and the whole national identity is built up around this nexus. All this shows the limits of classical transitology theory when it comes to political transformations in the post-Soviet space, which it is unable to explain, yet alone to predict their possible future development. Thus, there is a strong need to develop new theoretical frameworks that would better accommodate particularities of the regional political systems.


Author(s):  
Norayr Dunamalyan

The Armenian view on Eurasian integration is multidimensional, as it includes various ideological, historical, political, and economic aspects that simultaneously contradicts to the classical Eurasianism, but gets along with the political and economic contexts of this phenomenon. Joining CSTO and the EAEU is explained by searching political and economic stability in regional integrative projects, as well as within a country. Highlighting three levels of reflection of Eurasian integration allows observing a large gap of state, public, and diasporic approaches to understanding and mastering the idea of integration in the post-Soviet space. However, there is no split in the Armenian public opinion as the initial prerequisite for Armenia's participation in the Eurasian integrative project concerning the political and economic aspects. Another feature of the Armenian approach to the CSTO and the EAEU is the consideration of these projects in the general direction of Russian-Armenian relationship, rather than a scrutiny of multilateral cooperation.


Author(s):  
V. V. Vorotnikov

As soon as the Baltic states gained independence in 1991, they targeted, in terms of domestic and foreign relations’ development, reorientation to the West and integration into Euro-Atlantic structures. Whereas NATO (under leadership of the United States) is regarded as the “cornerstone” of their security, the European Union (EU) is viewed as a source of financial assistance and the guarantor of economic stability. The article presents an overview of the transformation processes in the Baltic countries in the past two and a half decades, and the practical component of their membership in the EU is offered in detail. Comparative analysis of the political and socio-economic Baltic transit shows the similarity of their development trajectories. However, the positive effect, which joining the EU brought about, is eclipsed by the social and economic costs that resulted from the tough neo-liberal reforms that were required. Despite the rejection of the role of geopolitical and geo-economic “bridge” between Russia and the West, the Russian factor continues to play a primary role in the political processes and foreign policies of these countries, while at the same time the Baltic states themselves prefer not to call themselves post-Soviet. Confrontational position that the Baltic states undertook in relation to Russia, is determined by political and ideological factors and has long-term destructive impact not only on the bilateral dialogue, but also on relations between Russia and the European Union. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. Alan Tarr

The article aims to analyze the fundamentals and the methods of state constitutional changes in the United States. It recognizes a certain pattern in the political processes of state constitutional changes, but it also points out that, in each case, some specific social groups act more intensely. Furthermore, it analyzes how external political forces can influence changes in state Constitutions. Finally, it concludes that, as a rule, the United States is currently undergoing a period in which there is a certain resistance to the creation of new state Constitutions, with greater popular preference for specific changes in the existing Constitutions.


1985 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan W. Cafruny

The political challenge to the post-World War II order in shipping has been issued in the context of the North-South debate, but American power and interest are central to current developments. In the bulk and tanker sector the United States retains a strong interest in stability and successfully defends the existing order. In the liner sector, on the other hand, the United States has participated in recent assaults on the postwar order, producing great tension between Europe and America. There is a strong correlation between this growing maritime conflict and the political processes anticipated by the general theory of hegemonic stability. But “hegemony” and “power” are distinct concepts. Instability in international shipping arises neither from America's loss of power in shipping nor from challenges from Europe and the Third World. Rather, instability reflects American attempts to establish a closer identity between the existing regime and short-term national interest.


2008 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 142-152
Author(s):  
V. I. Melnychenko ◽  

The author’s view of peculiarities of both the models of state’s management in the post-Soviet space and the reasons underlying their formation is presented. The specificity of the strengthening of the president-centrism in Ukraine is shown. It is emphasized that the president-centric model is mainly oriented to the interests of the bureaucracy and is not adequate to the increasing influence of the great business on political processes.


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