scholarly journals Russia and USA in their Rivalry for Arctic: New Stage

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 182-191
Author(s):  
S. S. Zhiltsov

 The article relates to the geopolitical rivalry in the Arctic unwound in the recent years between the United States and Russia. Both countries claim leading positions here considering the Arctic as a region where the commercial production of hydrocarbon resources is eventually possible. Climate change breaks new ground for the shipping development in the Arctic. It stands to reason that Russia and the United States have redoubled their attention to the Arctic merchant shipping development and are enhancing naval vessels commissioning. Russia and the United States have made significant progress in this regard. However, changes in world politics, growth of contradictions in the world economy have led to stepping up policy of Russia and the United States in the Arctic. To defend their interests, Russia and the United States adopted a series of documents indicating the Arctic policy avenues. The article examines both Russia and the United States approaches to the policy implementation in the Arctic, as well as the future challenges facing the countries. The author finds that the geopolitical rivalry between the leading Arctic states for the Arctic will continue. Being unable to establish commercial production in the Arctic, Russia and the United States will implement the increased focus on the military sphere. The creation of the necessary military infrastructure, the construction of new vessels will become a key objective for both states. In addition, Russia and the United States will expand support for Arctic shipbuilding, which is seen as the main instrument for promoting their economic interests.

Author(s):  
Ф. Х. Соколова ◽  
◽  
А. Е. Шапаров

The current international political agenda has seen a growing importance of the Arctic region, which in the last century remained on the periphery of world politics. The interest in the Arctic is clearly manifested in the global socio-political discourse, with national interests in this region being advanced not only by the Arctic states, but also by countries having no direct geographical connection with it. Based on the analysis of key strategic documents, this article presents the dynamics of the development of the US Arctic policy in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. It is demonstrated that Barack Obama’s and Donald Trump’s Arctic policies were interconnected and had common grounds, including the following: protection of the country’s national interests in the region; environmental priorities and ensuring sustainable development of the region; participation of indigenous peoples in the decision-making process concerning their interests; development of international cooperation; freedom of navigation; responsible management of the Arctic under the leadership of the United States. However, according to the authors, Obama’s and Trump’s Arctic policies had two significant differences. Firstly, Obama viewed the Arctic as a territory of cooperation and dialogue, while Trump, as an area of rivalry and competition. Secondly, in Obama’s policy, the ecological component was more pronounced, while Trump primarily focused on the country’s economic interests. In general, the two presidents’ Arctic policies were in line with the corresponding foreign policies of the Democratic and Republican Parties. Thus, it can be predicted that Joe Biden’s Arctic policy will be a continuation of Obama’s policy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (10) ◽  
pp. 149-166
Author(s):  
Dmitry V. Gordienko ◽  

The paper examines the interests of Russia, the United States and China in the regions of the world and identifies the priorities of Russia's activities in Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Asia-Pacific region, the Arctic, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America, their comparative assessment with the interests of the United States and China. An approach to assessing the impact of possible consequences of the activities of the United States and China on the realization of Russia's interests is proposed. This makes it possible to identify the priorities of the policy of the Russian Federation in various regions of the world. The results of the analysis can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the discrepancy between the interests of the United States and China is important for the implementation of the current economic and military policy of the Russian Federation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna M. Zolyniak

In 2019, the Arctic experienced its second warmest year on record, continuing a six-year trend of record-breaking Arctic surface temperatures (Lindsey 2019). Such unprecedented observations have become the new normal in the Arctic and provide new insights into the implications of global climate change. A warming Arctic, however, also presents new opportunities for Arctic commercial development. Such development is in fact quickly evolving from a mere possibility to an on-the-ground reality. Despite the speed of and increasing prospect of Arctic commercialization, however, there has been little to no movement on the part of the United States to enact policies and regulations accounting for it. Recognizing this gap in U.S. policy, the main objective of this paper is to articulate a possible path towards sustainable Arctic commercialization—one that recognizes and addresses current realities and future potential challenges. To this end, this paper synthesizes a two-pronged policy proposal—referred to as Responsible and Informed Arctic Commercialization (RIAC). RIAC targets the paucity of U.S. Arctic knowledge and regulatory capacity with a clearly articulated framework for implementation. The first prong of the policy addresses the quality of U.S. Arctic domain awareness. The second prong assesses the status of relevant sections of the U.S. Code of Federal Regulations with respect to the unique conditions of the Arctic. The actions encompassed by RIAC’s two-pronged structure offer a clear path for the United States to rectify the weaknesses in its current Arctic policy and make sustainable and safe Arctic commercial development possible.


Author(s):  
Andrei Andreevich Kovalev

This article explores the key stages of the development of U.S. policy with regards to Arctic Region. The goal is set to outline the fundamental interests of the United States in the Arctic, as well as analyze the actions aimed at their achievement. The article examines the main priorities in U.S. Arctic policy, namely the protection and preservation of resources and ecosystem in the Arctic Region, scientific study of climatic changes, peculiarities of economic development of Alaska, and national security interests of the state. The questions of interaction of Arctic states with regards to defense cooperation become increasingly relevant. Consideration of the mid-term and long-term prospects of U.S. Arctic policy allowed the author focusing attention on the news aspects of U.S. government actions. Maritime capabilities of the United States in the Arctic waters are views in the context of modern tendencies. The author attempted to trace the prospects for expansion of U.S. influence in the Arctic Region based on the current agenda of 2019.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (12) ◽  
pp. 120-139
Author(s):  
Dmitry V. Gordienko ◽  

The paper examines the interests of Russia, the United States and China in the regions of the world and identifies Russia's priorities in Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Asia-Pacific region, the Arctic, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America, as well as a comparative assessment with the interests of the United States and China. The results of the study can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the discrepancy between the interests of the United States and China with the interests of Russia is important for the implementation of the current economic and military policy of the Russian Federation.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Horobets ◽  

The article analyzes the evolution of China's Arctic policy, which has expanded over three decades from individual polar research to observer status in the Arctic Council and the existence of a state Arctic strategy. China and Russia have established mutually beneficial cooperation in the Arctic region in such conditions, when in many areas there are fundamental contradictions between the countries. The West did not have a long-term strategy capable of responding to current security challenges, including in the Arctic. When Russia tried to regain lost positions on the world stage in 2007-2008, China became an increasingly influential player in the world. If before the Arctic had been outside the lines of rivalry for decades, the question of the Far North as an arena of military competition began to take first place. China has become a long-term threat to both the United States and Russia. In previous years, with the help of the China, Moscow had the opportunity to receive the necessary investments and technologies for large-scale Arctic projects. The more Beijing attempts to establish itself as an influential player in the Arctic, the more the threat to other Arctic countries will grow. The Russian Federation has positioned itself as a leader in the region. The country's policy was aimed at strengthening this status through regional control and expansion of the military presence. This led to a response from the United States and NATO countries. In Russia it was assessed as a threat. The question arises as to what the strategy of the United States should be, and whether it will be possible to resist the costly arms race. If not, then the competition will be concentrated in the political and economic spheres. A particular aspect is the rapid militarization of the Arctic region after 2014, primarily due to changes in Russia's military strategy, which extends to the North. This has led to the tensions between the United States and Russia. China has not yet resorted to expand its military power in the Arctic. China's policy of economic and infrastructural influence is opposed to military methods. The effectiveness of Chinese non-military methods of influence is assessed


1917 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-238
Author(s):  
Carlos Castro-Ruiz

The Monroe Doctrine has been the subject of much discussion by American and European publicists, and their estimates have been widely different, ranging from those who consider it the principle which has maintained the territorial integrity of this continent for nearly a century to those who deny to it any real influence in the preservation of the nations which emerged into independent life during the first quarter of the nineteenth century. Both concepts are, in my judgment, exaggerated. To accept the first judgment would be to ignore and to forget the failure of the United States to assert the doctrine on three different occasions when it was flagrantly violated: the occupation of the Falkland Islands by Great Britain in 1843, islands which were regarded by the Argentine Republic as national property; the military intervention of France in the Republics of the River Platte in 1838, an intervention repeated in conjunction with Great Britain in 1845; and the occupation of the Chincha Islands by Spain in 1865. The attitude of the government of the United States is readily explained when one recalls the fact that the Monroe Doctrine had not become a real factor in world politics until the naval and military strength of the United States had given to that country the position of a great power. Before that time the doctrine was nothing more than a happy formulation of an aspiration deeply felt by the American nations which had on several occasions prior to the celebrated message of 1823 proclaimed the same idea.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander A. Bartosh ◽  
Anatoly G. Letyago

The article discusses various aspects of the activities of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the preparation of a new strategic concept (SC-2021). Advocating a decisive expansion of the range of NATO's capabilities to respond promptly to modern challenges, politicians and the military refer to the presence of new key threats that were not discussed in the previous strategic concepts of the bloc. The complex of such challenges and threats carries one of the fundamental functions in the development of the document. However, the leading place is given to the scrupulous consideration of doctrinal documents being developed in the United States: the national security strategy, military doctrine, nuclear policy review, the stake dictated from overseas on the military deterrence of Russia and some others. The internal and institutional factors of the bloc's development, the diplomatic and military aspects of the alliance's policy play an important role. NATO's focus on the role of a global player in tandem with the United States determines the development of the military technosphere of the bloc, which focuses on cognitive warfare and artificial intelligence. The preservation of the function of NATO as the main tool of the United States in the confrontation with Russia determines the buildup of the military presence of the bloc at the borders of our country, the conduct of military exercises according to provocative scenarios, the military development of Ukraine. An analysis of NATO's transformation, including a change in military strategy and a bet on the development of new technologies, each of which has a threatening subversive and destabilizing potential, makes it necessary to develop a comprehensive counteraction program in Russia. Particular attention should be paid to the development of strategies to counter cognitive warfare, the work on which, along with artificial intelligence, is the focus of the alliance's innovative efforts. NATO has been and remains one of the important actors in the global struggle and relies on the combined use of force and non-force methods and means of influencing the enemy, the use of innovative technologies, which requires Russia, its allies and partners to respond immediately and carefully coordinated across the entire spectrum of threats and challenges.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-64
Author(s):  
A. V. Borisov ◽  
I. V. Rovinskaya

The article examines the development of the US Arctic policy which is reflected in the US strategic documents. The author examines the evolution of doctrinal purposes from those focusing on environmental issues and regional cooperation to those focusing on logistics, security and military infrastructure. The evolution of the US strategic documents is considered in the context of the activities of such actors as Russia, Canada, China and a number of international organizations in the Arctic region. Contradictions and existing and prospective areas of cooperation are noted. The author shows the immutability of the US key strategic guidelines of the United States aimed at securing the status of an Arctic power for the United States and ensuring the promotion and protection of the US interests in the region.


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