scholarly journals Knowledge Configuration about Ciletuh UNESCO Global Geopark in Mass Media

Author(s):  
Eli Jamilah Mihardja ◽  
Prima Mulyasari Agustini ◽  
Guson P Kuntarto

This study intends to describe the discourse of the geopark in Indonesia in the Indonesian media. Media coverage is a form of knowledge in society, including about geopark in the context of sustainable regional development. Data was obtained based on analysis of media content (local and national) during 2019 and analyzed. by using sociology knowledge approach of discourse. As a result, the mass media, as a source of knowledge in society, should be able to play a greater role in providing understanding to audiences about the geopark and aspects of sustainable regional development.

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 61-72
Author(s):  
Bolu John Folayan ◽  
Olubunmi Ajibade ◽  
Olubunmi Dipo Adedoyin ◽  
Toyin Segun Onayinka ◽  
Toluwani Titilola Folayan

The mass media play at least five basic functions which include news dissemination, surveillance of the environment, correlation of the components of the society, entertainment and transmission of social heritage.  Sometimes, disruptions and impairments do occur in the performance of these roles and some of these basic functions become dysfunctions, which turn the media into purveyor of negative values. The present study investigates how popular the Nigerian TV reality show, Big Brother Naija (BBN), is perceived by its viewers. Three hundred heavy viewers of the programme were surveyed from Lagos and Ede, South-West Nigeria, and their opinions and attitudes were sought regarding; why they like or dislike the programme; the gratifications that those who like the programme derive and whether the BBN, as media content, is generally functional or dysfunctional to the society. Sixty-six per cent 66 (33.7%) of respondents like the programme because it entertains. Half of the respondents, 99(50.5%) dislike ‘immoral aspects’ of the programme. The viewers affirm that the eviction part of the programme was their highest form of gratification.  Most respondents, despite public outcry against the programme, consider the programme to be “functional”. Findings reinforce the postulation that TV viewers are not passive consumers of media contents.


Author(s):  
R. Lance Holbert

This chapter offers a systematic assessment of DICTION’s ability to address a wide range of media content. Each of the media-related works in this volume reflects a unique mix of communication inputs, and DICTION proves itself able to generate valid and reliable insights on a diverse range of material. In addition, the chapter focuses on a series of challenges (e.g., Message Tailoring, Hypertext, Interactivity) and opportunities (e.g., big data) for DICTION in relation to the study of media content. The program and the researchers who utilize it need to continue to evolve with the changing media landscape in order to generate practical knowledge that is relevant to improving communication.


Author(s):  
Stefaan Walgrave ◽  
Peter Van Aelst

Recently, the number of studies examining whether media coverage has an effect on the political agenda has been growing strongly. Most studies found that preceding media coverage does exert an effect on the subsequent attention for issues by political actors. These effects are contingent, though, they depend on the type of issue and the type of political actor one is dealing with. Most extant work has drawn on aggregate time-series designs, and the field is as good as fully non-comparative. To further develop our knowledge about how and why the mass media exert influence on the political agenda, three ways forward are suggested. First, we need better theory about why political actors would adopt media issues and start devoting attention to them. The core of such a theory should be the notion of the applicability of information encapsulated in the media coverage to the goals and the task at hand of the political actors. Media information has a number of features that make it very attractive for political actors to use—it is often negative, for instance. Second, we plead for a disaggregation of the level of analysis from the institutional level (e.g., parliament) or the collective actor level (e.g., party) to the individual level (e.g., members of parliament). Since individuals process media information, and since the goals and tasks of individuals that trigger the applicability mechanism are diverse, the best way to move forward is to tackle the agenda setting puzzle at the individual level. This implies surveying individual elites or, even better, implementing experimental designs to individual elite actors. Third, the field is in dire need of comparative work comparing how political actors respond to media coverage across countries or political systems.


1994 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Greg Philo ◽  
Jenny Secker ◽  
Steve Platt ◽  
Lesley Henderson ◽  
Greg McLaughlin ◽  
...  

2010 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 99-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Geschke ◽  
Kai Sassenberg ◽  
Georg Ruhrmann ◽  
Denise Sommer

Media coverage contributes to the perpetuation of stereotypes and prejudice. So far, research has focused on biased content rather than style in reporting about minorities. One such stylistic dimension is the so-called linguistic intergroup bias: The tendency to describe positive behavior of members of one’s own group and negative behavior of other groups’ members in a more abstract way (compared to the same behavior of the respective other group). Recipients of communication biased in this way judge the described individuals in line with abstract descriptions (i.e., own-group members more positively than members of other groups). The current study demonstrates that linguistically biased news reports about minorities lead to higher levels of prejudice. Hence, media coverage does not only affect attitudes about minorities by what is reported, but also by how it is presented.


2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur Coelho Bezerra ◽  
Carolina Christoph Grillo

RESUMO Com referência à eclosão de protestos no Brasil desde junho de 2013, este trabalho analisa o modo como a violência deflagrada durante as manifestações é narrada pela grande mídia e coletivos midiativistas, atentando-se para os interesses expressos nas narrações dos fatos. Constatamos que a imprensa corporativa tende a não problematizar a violência policial e a enfatizar a atuação de “vândalos”, ao passo que os midialivristas costumam culpar a polícia pela ocorrência de confrontos e representar positivamente as ações associadas à tática Black Bloc. O texto apresenta uma descrição analítica da guerra de narrativas travada por estes dois segmentos do jornalismo.Palavras-chave: Mídia; Midiativismo; Violência; Manifestações; Polícia.ABSTRACT Regarding the outbreak of protests in Brazil since June 2013, this paper analyses how violence unleashed during demonstrations is narrated by the mass media and mediactivist collectives, focusing on the interests expressed in the narration of facts. We found that corporative press tends to take police violence as unproblematic and to emphasize the actions of so-called “vandals”, while mediactivists usually blame police for the emergence of clashes and positively represent actions associated to the Black Bloc tactics. The text presents an analytical description of the war of narratives fought between these two segments of journalism.Keywords: Media; Mediactivism; Violence; Protests; Police.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 565-588
Author(s):  
Nataliia Steblyna ◽  
Jaroslav Dvorak

Abstract The aim of this paper is to analyse political activity in the mass media discourses of states with more democratic and more authoritative regimes respectively, so as to show a clear difference in the context of a formal analysis of mass media content. The current study examines political news on qualitative online media portals in Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine. Thirty years ago, these states began their independent transition from a closed system to openness/democracy. However, at today’s transition point, only Lithuania is considered a democratic country. In different periods Ukraine has been considered an example of competitive authoritarianism, while Belarus deviated towards complete authoritarianism and dictatorship. All political news items between 2005–2020 (for delfi.lt – since 2007) were collected with the help of the Python program. To measure the indicators, several Python programs were designed. The results of the research confirmed that the intensity of political activity differs in the mass media discourses of states with more democratic (Lithuania, Ukraine) and more authoritative (Belarus) regimes. Furthermore, a clear difference was shown in terms of five indicators, average indicators and the dynamics thereof.


Author(s):  
Maksym Khylko ◽  
Vitalii Kornieiev

With aim to study the influence of the mass media content on Ukrainian society, the anonymous sociological survey was held, the field phase of which took place in December 2013 and January 2014. It was found that the greatest influence on Ukrainian society is made by such channels of mass communication as TV, online news resources and social networks. The study proved a low level of influence of books and printed press, less than those of advertising. We disclosed the main factors, which prevent a large part of the respondents from buying and reading more output of Ukrainian publishers, while the content of the latter is mainly consistent with the readers’ needs and interests. We developed a hypothesis on the survey results, that the readers comprehend worse the contents of electronic books received in illegal manner, than the content of legally purchased books.


Author(s):  
Rudianto Rudianto

In every presidential election event, the neutrality of the mass media is always a controversy. This happens in any country, including Indonesia.It is interesting to see how online mass media in Indonesia discourse political events after the 2014 presidential election. With the power of speed in presenting news, online media such as detik.com, kompas.com, vivanews.co.id are competing to present their frames on political events that took place.  The focus of this article's study is on online mass media coverage of political events that occurred after the 2014 presidential election. The study was conducted with content analysis of five online media, namely detik.com, kompas.com, okezone.com and republika.co.id. The conclusion obtained is the post-2014 presidential election media discourse, especially after the voting on 9 July 2014, generally revolves around the quick count results of the survey institution's version and the winning claims of each candidate. The mass media, especially detik.com, kompas.com and vivanews.com, compile a discourse with a tendency to take sides with one of the pairs based on the results of the survey institute's quick count.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document