How important were social and labour market policies in reducing poverty across different families in Argentina? A dynamic approach

2009 ◽  
pp. 152
Author(s):  
Roxana Maurizio ◽  
Barbara Perrot ◽  
Soledad Villafañe

The article analyzes the factors associated with the reduction of poverty between 2003 and 2006 in Argentina. In particular, it examines the role of the labour market, monetary transfers, and demographic factors in poverty exits, taking into account the family composition of households. The data used comes from the Encuestas Permanentes de Hogares (EPH) [Permanent Household Survey]. Results indicate that labour market events are the most important factors associated with these transitions because they are more frequent and also because they have a more significant impact on family incomes. In addition, the results show that households with children and female household heads face greater difficulties to exit poverty than the rest of the households.

Author(s):  
Sonia Bhalotra

The responsibility for child labour is often cast as resting with (exploitative) employers. This creates a demand for legislation that bars employers from employing children. However, a careful look at household survey data suggests that the majority of employers are parents and, when not, parents have volunteered the child for work. This chapter focuses on the majority case of children working to help the family survive. It briefly discusses the role of legislation in curbing child labour, while arguing that it is not a substitute for efforts directed at creating income-generating opportunities amongst the poor and improving their access to education. Even when legislation is effective in lowering the incidence of child labour, it remains relevant to consider where children removed from the labour market go, which is why so much of the emphasis in the contemporary development literature is on education.


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Dewilde

In this paper, we model the impact on the entry into poverty of a range of demographic and labour market events. Our analyses are based on longitudinal panel data from two countries belonging to a different regime type – Belgium and Britain. The results show that while in Belgium the impact of most life events is relatively small, in Britain most demographic and labour market events significantly raise the chances of becoming poor. We link the observed poverty entry patterns to the ways in which economic welfare in Belgium and Britain is distributed between the three main systems of resources distribution: the welfare state, the labour market and the family. We furthermore find that the combined influence of the interrelated parts of the welfare regime on the role of women in the household economy is a potentially important explanatory factor.


2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-255
Author(s):  
Adrien Thomas

New patterns of labour migration are reshaping labour markets and raising new challenges for labour market actors, especially trade unions. This article critically discusses unionization strategies targeting migrant workers and the political and organizational dilemmas involved, taking as an example the case of Luxembourg, a founding member of the European Union with a highly internationalized labour market. Relying on qualitative research and survey results, this article sets out the strategies adopted by trade unions to unionize migrant workers, before discussing the dilemmas and tensions related to the diversification of trade union policies and organizational structures in response to labour migration. It provides valuable insights into two broader issues: the socio-political and organizational dynamics involved in trade unions’ inclusion of migrant workers and the potential role of trade unions in building transnational links and cohesion in border regions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 68-79
Author(s):  
Mary Shannon

Abstract: An increased focus on ‘family’ has developed as part of the social investment state in many countries. In the particular case of England, an intensive state gaze on so-called Troubled Families has developed, where the emphasis is on families with more complex issues that draw on the financial resources of the state. Taking a historical perspective, an exploration of literature across several decades shows some continuity in the ideas of the troubled or problem family: interesting similarities across the decades are highlighted. Along with these portrayals, ideas about how such families can be supported are presented through this historical lens. Thus, contemporary support to families is then problematized, as arguably such support now occupies a space where the retrenched rights (to support) and the vigorously emphasised responsibilities (of individual behaviour and labour market activation) intersect. This article adds to debates on the discourse surrounding troubled families and the neoliberal policy management of the family, providing a discussion of the role of support in such a context.


2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (7) ◽  
pp. 1357-1387 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer E. Copp ◽  
Peggy C. Giordano ◽  
Monica A. Longmore ◽  
Wendy D. Manning

Social learning theory remains one of the leading explanations of intimate partner violence (IPV). Research on attitudes toward IPV represents a logical extension of the social learning tradition, as it is intuitive to expect that individuals exposed to violence in the family of origin may internalize behavioral scripts for violence and adopt attitudes accepting of IPV. Yet despite this assumed link between family violence and attitudes toward IPV, few studies have empirically examined factors associated with the development of such attitudes. Using data from the Toledo Adolescent Relationship Study (TARS), we examine the role of family violence on the adoption of attitudes accepting of IPV among a sample of young adults ( n = 928). The current investigation contributes to existing literature on attitudes toward IPV by (a) providing an empirical examination of factors associated with attitudes toward IPV in predictive models; (b) relying on a multifaceted index, describing specific conditions under which IPV may be deemed justifiable; (c) examining extra-familial factors, in addition to family violence exposure, to provide a more comprehensive account of factors associated with attitudes toward IPV; and (d) focusing particular attention on the role of gender, including whether the factors associated with attitudinal acceptance of IPV are similar for men and women. Findings indicated considerable variation in overall endorsement of attitudes regarding the use of violence across conditions, with greater endorsement among women. Consistent with social learning approaches to IPV, exposure to violence in the family of origin was associated with attitudes toward IPV. Yet findings also signaled the salience of factors beyond the family, including a range of sociodemographic, relationship, and adult status characteristics. We discuss the relevance of our findings for future theorizing and research in the area of attitudes toward IPV.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Δέσποινα Παπαδοπούλου

<p>This article examines how legal immigrants<br />integrate in the Greek labor market. The<br />analysis is based on the results of an<br />empirical research which was carried out in<br />three Greek cities, namely, Athens, Saloniki<br />and Ioannina, in 2006 and 2007. The research<br />took place in the framework of a research<br />programme evaluating the migrant policy in<br />Greece as an implementation of the European<br />Strategy for Employment. This article focuses<br />on the ultimate role of legitimization in the<br />processes of the immigrants’ entrance in the<br />labour market and their integration in Greek<br />society. The fi ndings show that stay permits<br />plays little infl uence or no infl uence on the<br />work and employment integration, but a<br />strong infl uence on the family re-unifi cation.<br />That is, the title of stay infl uences family<br />existence and maintenance, as well as child<br />achievement at school, but it does not help at<br />changing the occupational status or fi nding a<br />better job in the labor market. In the end, the<br />title of stay affects social integration in the<br />long run.</p>


Author(s):  
Tahnee Christelle Ooms

AbstractThis paper proposes a methodological framework to better incorporate non-labour income into existing top adjusted indicators of economic inequality. Surveys are known to miss the rich, receiving disproportionate amounts of capital income. There has been a surge in top harmonisation methodologies, which complement survey-based estimates of inequality with information from the rich reported in tax administrative sources. These harmonisation methods are found to have a significant upward effect on inequality indicators. This analysis uses the Family Resources Survey (household survey) and the Survey of Personal Incomes (tax data) to explore the extent to which existing UK harmonisation methodology corrects for capital income. First, this analysis finds that the FRS has experienced a significant decline in capital income measurement over the past 20 years (1997–2016), taking reported levels of capital income in the SPI as benchmark. Second, the top harmonisation methodology is found to only partially correct for this decline. Third, in response, the paper proposes a multi-step capital income correction to allocate the remaining capital income missing from top adjusted inequality indicators. The adjustment accounts for both under-coverage and under-estimation error of capital income across the income distribution. Poor measurement of capital incomes in household surveys has long been acknowledged but attempts to correct for this have remained few. This paper highlights the need for decomposable top adjusted indicators of inequality to give a better picture of the role of capital incomes in driving inequality. Surveys are traditionally used to produce inequality indicators used by governments, statistical offices and policy makers. The policy implication is that income missing from indicators structurally falls out of inequality debates, which has arguably been the case for capital incomes.


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