Obama Doctrine and Iran’s Nuclear Program

2020 ◽  
pp. 227
Author(s):  
Nabel Ashraf Anwar
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Threat Perception ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
The Core ◽  
Nuclear Policy ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
State Of Israel ◽  
Core Issues ◽  
Trump Administration

Iran’s nuclear issue has been one of the core issues of International politics. Concurrently, the issue of survival of the State of Israel and the threat perception of the US allies in the Middle East pushed Washington to attenuate  Iran’s inchoate nuclear policy. Incubus period during Obama administration even brought about erratic companionship between Israel and Saudi Arabia. This asymmetry-in the span of mere years- has rekindled long-simmering protectionist impulses and Trump administration elected. A new page began being written on the Iran’s nuclear issue.

scholarly journals EVOLUTION OF US POLICY TOWARD IRAN’S NUCLEAR PROGRAM IN XXI CENTURY: FROM PRESIDENT BUSH TO PRESIDENT TRUMP

2020 ◽  
pp. 23-33
Author(s):  
P. Sinovets ◽  
V. Gergiieva
Keyword(s):  
Negative Consequences ◽  
International Treaties ◽  
Future Prospects ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
George Bush ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
President Bush

Since 2002 until now, the Iranian nuclear program remains one of the hottest international problems despite the efforts of three US presidential administrations, which ruled during this time to solve the Iranian issue. This article analyses and compares the policy toward Iran of three US presidents George Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump, discusses the positive and negative consequences of their attempts to solve the Iranian nuclear issue, and outlines the future prospects of US-Iran communication over the nuclear deal. President Trump's policy on Iran was somewhat similar to that of President Bush, both presidents rejected the policy of any concessions to Iran and focused on the policy of pressure. The US withdrawal from the JCPOA influenced not only the relations between the US and Iran, but also the relations of European countries, as since its release in 2018, Europe has tried to save the JCPOA and deter Iran from resuming its nuclear program. In general, Trump's policies not only canceled the nuclear deal, which was the result of long negotiations by the Obama administration, but also complicated further negotiations with Iran. Despite the victory of Democrat Joe Biden, who is a follower of Obama's policies, signing a new agreement with Iran may be even more difficult than it was in 2013-2015, because Iran's missile program has become even more developed, as well as distrust of international treaties as well. The article analyzes the possible consequences of Trump's policies and options for returning to dialogue and agreement. The next crucial stage in Iran-US relations is the upcoming elections in Iran in 2021, the results of which will affect the readiness of any concessions to ease sanctions and establish a dialogue. Key words: Iranian nuclear program, Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), economic sanctions.

scholarly journals Journalistic Stance in Newswriting on Iranian Nuclear Issue

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
pp. 118
Author(s):  
Mohammad Hossein Ghane ◽  
Fatemeh Mahdavirad
Keyword(s):  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
Double Standards ◽  
Ideological Bias ◽  
Progression Model ◽  
Nuclear Policy ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
To Come

<p>Regarding the role of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) in discovering the way ideology is crystalized through the prevalence of various discourses, the present study is an attempt to examine how the journalistic personal and institutional ideologies and political positions are realized through certain textual and intertextual features. Using Perrin’s (2012) progression model, journalistic stancing with regard to the Iranian nuclear issue at three levels of micro, meso, and macro was investigated. The study of claims of unpeacefulness in the Western media texts under investigation reveals a systematic ideological bias towards portraying a negative presentation of Iranian nuclear policy. The Iranian journalists, however, tend to highlight the peaceful nature of the Iranian nuclear program and the West’s double standards as well as Iran’s efforts in order to come to a mutual agreement. Implications of the insights provided by the study for confirming the premises of CDA and applications of the findings for teaching are explained in brief.</p>

scholarly journals The U.S. Congress position on the nuclear policy issues in 2020

2021 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Olesia Gretskaia
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Arms Control ◽  
Focus Of Attention ◽  
Control Area ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
Nuclear Policy ◽  
The Us ◽  
Legislative Initiative ◽  
The U.S

Due to the pandemic and the acute social crisis in the US such nuclear policy issues as the New START extension, the Iranian nuclear program limitation, the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula were not in the focus of attention of Congress in 2020. Although Democrats, unlike Republicans, regularly took the legislative initiative in the arms control area. The 2020 presidential election outcome has led to the change of the US nuclear policy course. That means increased bipartisan confrontation on the arms control issues.

scholarly journals American Strategy of "Sufficient Presence" in the Middle East

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 236-251
Author(s):  
I. V. Ryzhov ◽  
M. Yu. Borodina ◽  
T. V. Baranova
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Threat Assessment ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
Syrian Crisis ◽  
The Us ◽  
Middle East Policy ◽  
Trump Administration

Abstract: After D. Trump came to power it started developing a new US Middle East policy, based on the regional threat assessment, such as the unstable political situation in a number of regional countries, radical regimes, terrorism, especially ISIS. In addition, the most important task for the Trump administration was to try to regain lost US influence in the region, which resulted in the so-called "strategy of sufficient presence" and in the support of regional allies, "centers of power" such as Israel.A distinctive feature of D. Trump's policy in the region can be considered a change in rhetoric regarding the Iranian nuclear program up to the introduction of new economic sanctions. Moreover, the American approach to the settlement of the Syrian crisis is connected with the prevention of the growing influence of Iran and Russia in the region.American-Turkish relations also underwent significant changes, which were very tense until 2017. The states managed to find common ground on a number of issues of international politics. However, the situation is still significantly complicated by American support for the Kurds in their quest for autonomy.Trump's ratings at home are falling, and therefore there is a possibility that Trump will lose the upcoming presidential elections to his opponent D. Biden. However, trying to predict the prospects of the US Middle East policy in the event of D. Biden's victory, the authors came to the conclusion that it will not undergo significant changes, except for the nuclear deal with Iran. The key tasks of American foreign policy will remain the fight against terrorism, countering the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and the search for likeminded states in the region.

Exploring the Challenges of Divorce on Saudi Women

2017 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ramzia Hisham Saleh ◽  
Rocci Luppicini
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Contemporary Society ◽  
Saudi Women ◽  
The Core ◽  
Body Of Knowledge ◽  
Qualitative Survey ◽  
Legal Challenges ◽  
Growing Body ◽  
Core Issues

The aim of this study is to identify the core issues and challenges that divorced Saudi women are facing in Saudi Arabia. A qualitative survey was administered to explore current issues faced by divorced Saudi women living in Saudi Arabia. Findings revealed a multitude of issues currently faced by divorced Saudi women linked to social, economic, psychological, and legal challenges. The discussion of core themes derived from the analysis provides an in-depth picture of challenges faced by divorced Saudi women. This research builds on the growing body of knowledge concerning the challenges of divorced Saudi women in contemporary society.

Nuclear Proliferation: The Case of Saudi Arabia

2006 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gawdat Bahgat
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Nuclear Proliferation ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
External Threats ◽  
The Us ◽  
Strategic Incentives ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
The Impact

Since the 1970s, the world's attention has focused on nuclear proliferation in Iran and Iraq. Very little attention has been given to nuclear proliferation in the third regional power in the Persian Gulf — Saudi Arabia. This article addresses the question of potential Saudi nuclear ambition. Most policymakers and analysts agree that Saudi Arabia does not possess nuclear weapons. Still, some argue that the Kingdom has both strategic incentives and financial resources to pursue a nuclear program. This article examines the security threats to Saudi Arabia from Iran, Iraq, Israel, and Yemen. It also analyzes the impact of domestic economic and political reform on Riyadh's security policy. The article argues that the US' strong commitments to defend Saudi Arabia against external threats have been crucial in reducing incentives to acquire nuclear weapons.

scholarly journals The Nature of the Political Interaction between Israel and Saudi Arabia in the 21st Century

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Roman Vladimirovich Penkovtsev ◽  
Timur Vasilevich Gafurov ◽  
Natalia Aleksandrovna Shibanova
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Practical Interest ◽  
The Political ◽  
Development Programs ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
Political Interaction ◽  
The Us

This paper considers the issue of interaction between two states, which are largely political antagonists: Israel and Saudi Arabia. The nature of the interaction between these states on the world political arena is of serious scientific and practical interest. Contrary to popular stereotypes, Israel maintains relations with many countries of the Arab world, and Saudi Arabia is no exception. It should be noted that a certain rapprochement of positions between these states occurred due to the activation on the geopolitical map of the Middle East of such an actor as Iran, which in the 21st century energetically implements its nuclear program, accelerates economic development programs, and is generally focused on strengthening its role and places in the international arena. The US position represented by the administrations of B. Obama and D. Trump influenced to a large extent the process of intensifying interaction between Israel and Saudi Arabia, which stimulated the rapprochement of the positions of these two states on the &ldquo;Syrian&rdquo; and &ldquo;Iranian&rdquo; problems. In addition, it is worth paying attention to the establishment of similar positions between Israel and Saudi Arabia on the &quot;Palestinian issue. &quot;

scholarly journals Application of the ideas of neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism in Iranian nuclear policy

2020 ◽  
pp. 14-21
Author(s):  
V. Herhiieva
Keyword(s):  
Geographical Location ◽  
The United States ◽  
Chemical Weapons ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
Oil Reserves ◽  
International Response ◽  
Nuclear Policy ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
Neoliberal Institutionalism

The article examines two antagonistic theories of international relations – neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism using the case of Iran's nuclear policy. The author compares the approaches of neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists to the problem of nuclear proliferation and analyzes how these approaches can explain the evolution of Iran's military nuclear program. Iran is a country with significant energy resources, namely second place after Saudi Arabia in terms of oil reserves and second in terms of natural gas reserves after Russia; Iran also has a unique geographical location in such regions as the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. Also, a certain policy of Iran is formed on the basis of the Shiite branch of Islam, which already distinguishes this country, given the particularly unfavorable historical conditions under which the Shiite Islam was formed and the events of the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979 and the Iran-Iraq War of 1980–1988, when Iran faced Iraq alone and use of chemical weapons by Iraq, which deepened Iranian isolation thoughts. The fact that there has been no international response to Iraq's use of chemical weapons has heightened Iran's sense of isolation. This experience was certainly imprinted in the Iranian national psyche and caused even greater distrust in international arms control treaties. Relations with the United States in Iran are extremely tense and unstable, depending on the US administration and the political situation in Iran, as Iran has traditionally maneuvered between radical conservatives and more moderate politicians. The US elections in 2020 and the elections in Iran in 2021 will be an important stage in the further development of relations and the fate of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The article examines the extent to which the theoretical considerations of proponents of theories of neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism are reflected in Iran's practical nuclear policy and what impact these two theories may have on the future nuclear strategy of the Iranian leadership.

scholarly journals Pak-Iran Relations: Challenges and Expectations (2001-2012)

sjesr ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 520-527
Author(s):  
Syed Sajjad Haider ◽  
Dr. Gulzar Ahmad ◽  
Dr. Muhammad Khurshid
Keyword(s):  
Gas Pipeline ◽  
Islamic Revolution ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
Economic Issues ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us ◽  
Islamic Republics

This paper endeavors to analyze the relations between Pakistan and Iran, during the ‎past ‎more ‎than seven decades, especially after 9/11. The relations between both countries ‎remained ‎normal and friendly, but with ‎a slight ‎divergence. ‎These relations became very critical ‎after 9/11 ‎due to the huge pressure of the US. There are many areas of divergence between these ‎two countries ‎such as the gas pipeline treaty, diplomatic support of Pakistan in the Iranian nuclear ‎program, trade, and ‎economic issues. In this paper, an attempt has been made to critically ‎highlight and discuss the ‎challenges and expectations emerging after the Islamic revolution and ‎during 2001 to 2012. The ‎core objectives of the study are to know about the nature of Pak-Iran ‎relations in the past, to ‎describe the nature of Pak-Iran relations from 2001-2012, to measure the ‎influence of world ‎powers on Pak-Iran relations to analyze the challenges facing both the ‎countries, etc. Suggestions ‎are also made to improve the relations between both Islamic republics’ countries in the region. Pakistan's and Iran’s concerns and interests are related to the new regional and ‎international atmosphere. New problems and new opportunities have been created for both ‎countries, affecting their bilateral and multilateral relations since the events of September 9, ‎‎2001. The two countries should devote more energy to increase their economic trade, strengthen ‎security cooperation, and identify practical ways to cope with the problems of the region.

The United States and the Iranian Nuclear Programme

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Hurst
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nixon Administration ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
The Relationship

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.

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