The international actor (the individual) in international relations

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Ziad Khalaf Abdullah Al - Jubouri

The concept of international relations is very broad. In modern use it includes not only relations between States but also relations between States, intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations and other enterprises. As a result of the scientific and technological development of mankind and the accompanying economic, social and cultural developments, Is the only actor in international relations there are other international people have emerged to exist one by one in harmony with and consistent with these developments in humanity is no longer the international theater exclusive to the State alone, Lyon are better with the ability to work, performance and influence in international relations, the last of whom is an actor visible international individual.

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Syahrul Salam, Adi Rio Arianto, Rizky Hikmawan

<p><strong>Abstrak – </strong>Kemajuan teknologi, khususnya dibidang informasi, transportasi, dan sains, telah<strong> </strong>menciptakan evolusi peran negara sebagai aktor Hubungan Internasional (HI). Negara harus berbagi peran dengan aktor HI lainnya, seperti: organisasi internasional (OI), organisasi pemerintah/ non-pemerintah (IGOs/NGOs), kelompok epistemik, perusahaan multinasional (MNCs), dan individu. Pergeseran peran negara dalam usaha membela negara mengubah warna disiplin ilmu HI, yaitu pendekatannya. Kajian ini mendalami pergeseran peran negara dan implikasinya bagi sudut pandang HI, serta mengkaji evolusi lingkungan strategis. Hasil studi menemukan bahwa selain negara, universitas adalah salah satu calon aktor HI. Hal ini diidentifikasi melalui empat aspek berikut, yaitu: (1) aspek bela negara menuntut peran sentral (mayor) dan peran sektoral (minor) negara sebagai subyek HI dimana negara berbagi peran dengan Universitas, (2) aspek bela negara mempengaruhi pendekatan Realisme dengan perilaku anarkisnya bergeser ke pendekatan alternatif: Horizontalisme dengan perilaku gotong-royongnya, (3) aspek bela negara menuntut perubahan lingkungan strategis dari Era Global (Globalisasi) ke Era Horizontal (Horizontalisasi) atau dengan istilah “Globalinium”, dan (4) aspek bela negara menjadi krusial saat disandingkan dengan kepentingan nasional di pentas Internasional.</p><p><strong>Kata Kunci : </strong>bela negara, hubungan internasional, era horizontal, globalinium, negara, universitas</p><p><strong><em>Abstract – </em></strong><em>The development of technological in the fields of information, transportation, and science,<strong> </strong>have created the evolution of the role of the state as an actor of International Relations (IRs). States should share roles with other IRs actors, such as international organizations (IO), government/ non-governmental organizations (IGOs / NGOs), epistemic groups, multinational corporations (MNCs), and individuals. The shifting role of the state in the effort to defend a state changed the color of the discipline of IRs, particularly in its approach. This study explores the shifting role of the state and its implications to IRs paradigm, and examines the evolution of the strategic environment. The results found that beside the “state”, the “university” can be one of the IRs actors. This is identified through the following four aspects: (1) the state defense aspect demands the major role and the minor role of the state as the subject of IRs in which the State shares its role with the university, (2) the state defense aspect affects the Realism approach with the anarchy shifts to alternative approaches: Horizontalism </em><em>with its “gotong-royong”, (3) the state defending aspect demands a strategic environmental change from the Global Era (Globalization) to the Horizontal Era (Horizontalization) or with the term “Globalinium”, and (4) the state defending aspect were crucial when it juxtaposed with national interests on the international stage.</em></p><p><em><strong><em>Keywords: </em></strong><em>state defending, international relations, horizontal era, globalinium, state, university</em></em></p>


Author(s):  
Alla Demycheva

The situation with human rights violations in modern Ukraine remains quite acute, as evidenced by various sources at both the international and national levels, official and alternative. In such circumstances, human rights activities are of paramount importance. In the modern human rights field, formal (state) and informal (civil society) structures coexist, and rarely interact. A powerful tool in resolving systemic issues related to human rights is the institution of the ombudsman, represented by the Verkhovna Rada Commissioner for Human Rights and the President's specialized commissioners. The informal level is represented by non-governmental human rights NGOs, of which there are currently more than a hundred in Ukraine. They act as organized, structured, registered, etc. associations that work to promote and protect human rights and freedoms, to establish and maintain effective control over the observance of those freedoms and rights by the state, its bodies and officials. To achieve that, human rights organizations work simultaneously in such areas as the protection of human rights in specific cases (advocacy); dissemination of information on human rights, legal education work; analysis of the state of observance of human rights. As it was before, NGOs have different amounts of resources (background, experience, power, influence), depend on funding from foreign donors and compete with each other. One of the main resources for improving the effectiveness of the human rights field is the cooperation of the ombudsman with non-governmental organizations and the public. An example of cooperation is the model of Ukrainian National Preventive Mechanism (NPM), which has been operating in Ukraine since 2012 to prevent torture, although the format of this interaction has been criticized by experts in the context of the limited role of the public. The non-organizational level is represented by the individual practices of Ukrainians in the protection of human rights, the volume of which is increasing, but the efficiency remains low.


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Ahmed Ali Brohi ◽  
Saima Sheikh

Globalization is characterized with multi-faceted aspects. Sometimes it helps in social and economic development. On the contrary, it hampers social and economic development on the whole. Globalization increases interdependency; therefore, it is the main cause of changes in the international system. Before the advent of globalization within the international spectra, the individual’s role and status were considered important. With the introduction of globalization, individual activities regarding the interdependency between the nations have become collective efforts. Therefore, the concepts of social and economic development have changed entirely. These concepts, directly or indirectly, reshaped or sometimes totally converted into the lobbies and whims of multinational corporations, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and global actors. This paper will review the process of globalization and its impact on international relations which is a factor in socio-economic development.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (7) ◽  
pp. 2417-2425
Author(s):  
Peter Peikov ◽  
Borana Hadjieva

The present paper reveals the significance of the National Archival Fund for preservation of the historical and cultural memory of the Bulgarian nation and the formation of historical consciousness. The National Archives Fund is defined as the largest collection of documents with historical, scientific, social, economic, cultural significance as an essential part of the cultural and historical heritage of Bulgaria.It treasures documents about the history of thousands of institutions and prominent figures of the state, economy, culture and art, of ordinary citizens whose activity is historically important in one respect or another.The emphasis of the study is on the main factors determining the daily enrichment of the National Archival Fund with new documents. Among these key factors are development of documentaristics and archivistics, trends in social development, ideological and political climate, financial stability and attitude of the society as a whole, of the istitutional leaders and administrative heads, creating documents, in particular, of the non-governmental organizations and even of the individual citizen to the problems in the field of archivistics.In the focus of the paper as well is the leading role of the state archives for the formation of the National Archival Fund of Bulgaria and the opportunities for cooperation with museums, libraries, community centers and other institutions of memory working with the same purpose and vision.


Author(s):  
David Boucher

The classic foundational status that Hobbes has been afforded by contemporary international relations theorists is largely the work of Hans Morgenthau, Martin Wight, and Hedley Bull. They were not unaware that they were to some extent creating a convenient fiction, an emblematic realist, a shorthand for all of the features encapsulated in the term. The detachment of international law from the law of nature by nineteenth-century positivists opened Hobbes up, even among international jurists, to be portrayed as almost exclusively a mechanistic theorist of absolute state sovereignty. If we are to endow him with a foundational place at all it is not because he was an uncompromising realist equating might with right, on the analogy of the state of nature, but instead to his complete identification of natural law with the law of nations. It was simply a matter of subject that distinguished them, the individual and the state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Vogelpohl

AbstractThe bioeconomy is nowadays widely proclaimed by governments and corporations around the world as a new paradigm for a sustainable economy. Essentially, it broadly denotes the promotion, development and establishment of the use of biogenic resources in diverse kinds of industrial technologies, production processes and products. Yet, in order for the bioeconomy to be sustainable, it has to be assured that these biogenic resources are sourced sustainably. In the last 30 years, transnational sustainability certification (TSC) has established itself as a popular instrument in this context, for example in the case of European biofuels sustainability regulation. In the last decade or so, however, TSC initiatives in several biomass production sectors like palm oil, soy, fruits, aquaculture or fisheries—mostly initiated by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and corporations from the Global North—are increasingly met with resistance from actors from the resource-producing countries, mostly located in the Global South. Issues brought up in this context concern their lack of legitimacy and respect for national regulatory sovereignty and conflicting priorities in terms of sustainable development. Consequently, governmental and corporate actors from the resource-producing countries have developed sustainability standards that now at least partly compete with TSC. Against this background, this contribution investigates this apparent dilemma of biomass certification by taking stock of existing TSC initiatives and territorial responses to them in several sectors of the bioeconomy in order to discover general patterns and dynamics of transnational biomass sustainability certification. This analysis is based on a review of existing empirical studies on these issues as well as on conceptual literature on discourse coalitions and transnational hybrid governance for the classification of the different aspects and developments in the individual sectors. Results show that TSC is indeed challenged in all sectors around story lines of sovereignty and sustainability, employed by closely associated state and industry actors in the specific context of the prevalent state-industry relations and the practices and institutions of the respective international political economies. Beyond this general pattern, these alternative systems take on different shapes and complex relations between transnational and territorial sustainability governance emerge that are not always antagonistic, but also exist in parallel or even complementarily and involve various hybrid configurations of public and private actors. Overall, this casts some doubt on the potential of TSC as an instrument to safeguard the sustainability of the bioeconomy and shows one of its potential pitfalls, which is reflected upon in the conclusion.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 577-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yana Gorokhovskaia

Conventional wisdom holds that civil society is a sphere of activity separate from the state and the private realm. Due to a combination of historical, developmental and institutional factors, Russian civil society today is dominated by the state. While not all interactions with the state are seen as harmful, scholars acknowledge that most politically oriented or oppositional non-governmental organizations today face difficult conditions in Russia. In response to the restrictions on civil society and the unresponsive nature of Russia’s hybrid authoritarian regime, some civil society actors in Moscow have made the transition into organized politics at the local level. This transition was motivated by their desire to solve local problems and was facilitated by independent electoral initiatives which provided timely training and support for opposition political candidates running in municipal elections. Once elected, these activists turned municipal deputies are able to perform some of the functions traditionally ascribed to civil society, including enforcing greater accountability and transparency from the state and defending the interest of citizens.


2018 ◽  
pp. 603-612
Author(s):  
Serhii Esaulov

The author raises the issue of settling conflicts around the world and discusses modern attempts to establish law and order. Particular attention is paid to the intricate relations between Hungary and Ukraine. With Russia’s aggression against Ukraine there was ruined a system of international relations, which provided for the rule of law, the right to settle disputes without applying military tools, force or threats. Russia initiated a new precedent of impunity, insolent violation of the fundamental norms of international law, and demonstrated the world how the borders may be redrawn as one sees fit and “bring historical justice”. The author notes that one of the reasons for the escalation of the conflict between Hungary and Ukraine has become the language issue. Still, however pity it is, all attempts of the Ukrainian side to resolve conflict matters have appeared to be vane, since Budapest is reluctant to listen to and consider any arguments of Kyiv, being fully distracted by its demand. It is hard to imagine that in civilized “old” Europe, Germany, for instance, would express claims or even threaten France for the fact that pupils in schools of the French region of Alsace (until 1918, its territory formed part of Germany that attempted to annex it at times of the Second World War) are taught in the official language – French, not in the language of the neighbouring country, even though the Alsatian and German languages are equally spoken there. Unfortunately, Hungary seems not to be ready to follow the example of the Franco-German reconciliation in terms of relations with all neighbours, despite the philosophy of its membership in the EU and NATO. The revenge-seeking attitudes of the Hungarian political establishment regarding the revision of borders according to the Versailles and Yalta systems of international relations are constantly boosted in all directions in the neighbouring countries, where ethnic Hungarians live (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine). The so-called “formula of protecting interests of Russian citizens in Crimea and Donbas” adopted from Putin has apparently laid the foundation for the foreign policy strategy of V. Orban. First, as regards the appeal to make the region of ethnic Hungarians’ residence autonomous and subsequently – the appeal to hold a referendum on separation. The author summarizes that along with the political and diplomatic efforts, a substantial role in easing the tension in relations with Budapest should be played by non-governmental organizations and the expert community though holding forums and scientific conferences aiming at discussing the above-mentioned issues. Keywords: Hungary, conflict, Law on Language, geopolitics, strategies, foreign policy, Ukraine.


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