Turkish Strategy for the Middle East A study in the light of regional change factors

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (11) ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Marwan Awni Kamel ◽  
Ahmed Mashaan Najim

The Middle East has been, and continues to be, the most influential environment for Turkey in shaping its foreign policy strategy. That Turkey's ability to maintain the elements of regional power must be achieved by building a comprehensive strategic perspective capable of expressing its interests and security. That perspective, and that some adjustments have been made to it by virtue of the changes that are occurring, but it remains the basic principle of the entire movement in the Middle East for the coming years. The ability of the state as a regional actor within an area of influence still subject to comprehensive factors of change, such as the Middle East, requires a lot of preparedness and adaptation to achieve its strategic vision that reflects its security and interests. In fact, Turkey has been able to maintain its regional role in the Middle East by developing a strategic vision that matches its capabilities.

2021 ◽  
Vol IV (I) ◽  
pp. 12-22
Author(s):  
Abida Yousaf ◽  
Fozia Bibi

Turkey is an important power of Middle East and has a glorious past. On the basis of its victorious history, Turkey is aspiring to become a regional power of the region. In this regard, the domestic environment of Turkey (such as stable political system, democratic norms, economic development and political leadership) is playing significant role on one hand. On the other hand, the regional and global environment is also providing some opportunities and challenges to pursue its ambitions actively. Turkey's foreign policy in 21st century can be divided in two main phase; first decade of 21st century in which Turkey mostly relies on the use of soft power. However, in second decade, Turkey has used soft and hard power to gain its goals. Turkey's foreign policy towards Saudi Arabia, Iran and Syria are the key focus of this study. Previously, Turkey avoids supporting Iran and Saudi Arabia against each other. However, now Turkish leadership is actively trying to regain the historical influence of Turkey especially in Muslim world. Turkey's relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia are revolving around cooperation Vs competition paradigm. On one hand, Turkey's support for Qatar (2017) and the killing of Jamal Khashogi (October, 2018) has deteriorated the Saudi-Turkey's relations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-164
Author(s):  
Ayşegül Sever

The article elaborates how Turkey’s relations with Syria, which have been pursued by varying foreign policy instruments and conduct, have greatly affected Turkey’s standing on the Middle East during the 2000s. By employing the relevant concepts, “regional power” and “third party intervention” in the literature, the article aims to explain the changes caused by the Syrian conflict in the AKP’s ( Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi—the Justice and Development Party) foreign policy in a better frame. After the Syrian conflict, Turkey’s increasing intervention in Syria including use of force resulted in a new power projection other than soft power in its regional relations. Neighboring a civil war state caused Ankara to organize its relations with Syria and the Middle East in a new context which requires new mechanisms, new partnerships, and new interpretations in the face of rising nongovernmental armed groups, refugee flows, changing regional alignments, and diverging interests with its major Western allies.


2010 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 691-714 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nevenka Jeftic-Sarcevic

The changes in internal and external policies are under way in Turkey. The secular state was threatened what has been followed by the process of revitalization and affirmation of the Islamic tradition in Turkey. The state project ?Turkey?s Strategic Vision 2023? has been worked out. It provides increase in its power that would turn Turkey from a regional power into a global factor. This requires radical changes in its foreign policy. Apart from the Islamic factor, Turkey?s plans are based on the geopolitical position of this country that sees itself as a hub of energy flows and the future centre of the three continents - Africa, Asia, and Europe. One of the steps towards those changes is the process of desecuritasion and securitization that includes revitalization of the religious factor. Radical changes in the Turkish foreign policy also include the Western Balkans as one the priorities of its close surroundings.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 242-256
Author(s):  
Huda Raouf

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study and specify to what extent Iran will succeed in being a regional hegemon. The paper is devoted to clarification of the constitutive elements for regional hegemony. These elements will be related to an actor’s perception of its role and regional perception, and how these hegemons exert power, do these work for the public good in the region (provision) and how this regional power projects power and exerts power to influence others’ preferences and values without reference to violence (projection). For the Middle East, Iran emerged as a key player in most regional conflicts and it tried to increase its sphere of influence as a regional hegemon. Therefore the question here would be: To what extend could Iran succeed in being a regional hegemon and what are the circumstances that could enhance or constrain this Iranian ambition? So the aim of the paper is to look at three dimensions in general and see whether Iran makes a plausible candidate for regional hegemony. The paper outlines the essential traits of a regional hegemon, and the main elements that constitute a regional hegemony such as perception, provision and projection, and then analyze how Iran follows those elements by analyzing internal perceptions of the Iranian elite about Iranian regional role, regional acceptance, provision of public good, projection and finally impact of the relation with external great powers. Through analyzing its regional strategy in Syria and Iraq since 2003, the year of invasion of Iraq, since ever a political vacuum was created, that enabled Iran to extend its regional influence, after the fall of its historical regional rival, Saddam Hussein baathi regime. Design/methodology/approach The study adopts an analytical framework of analyzing a regional hegemony strategy which is approached by Miriam Prys in her study “Hegemony, domination, detachment: differences in regional powerhood” to study and analyze Iran’s regional behavior as one of regional power that is seeking regional hegemony. This analytical framework is one of the most significant analytical tools that interests in the study of the behavior of regional power and identify the constitutive dimensions for regional hegemony such as self-perception, regional perception, provision and power projection. Findings The study concludes that there are obstacles completely in front of achieving the Iranian quest to regional hegemony over the Middle East. These are the continuing US involvement in the Middle East and the consequent tense relationship between Iran and the USA. It is most unlikely that Iran will be hegemonic state over the Middle East as long as there are refusal and resistance from other regional states for Iranian regional role; as each of regional powers has tools to contain the influence of the other. The Iranian regional behavior that is sectarianism-based, whether to protect Shiite shrines and holy places or to protect Shiites in the region, such policies deepen the ideological and sectarian conflicts. It also has not provided an attractive cultural model for the peoples of the region. Research limitations/implications This paper enhances the deep analysis of the Middle East dynamics through the prospective of regional power. Also, the paper focuses on the analysis of the relation between great power and aspiring regional power and the impact on its strategies. Practical implications This study enhances the understanding of how Iranian decision-makers perceive their regional Iranian and the threats. Moreover, the tools that Iran uses its hard power and ideational one to create regional followers and change its allies’ normative and value systems to come in line with its national interests. Moreover, the study tries to measure the actual Iranian influence, its weakness and strength so that the Arab states and the West could behave in a fruitful way. Originality/value In the final analysis, the paper offers an insight into the regional behavior and the importance of external power in regional dynamics and to what extent the regional hegemon is applicable to Iran.


2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-597
Author(s):  
Shaimaa Magued

This article examines scholarship from the Arab world on Turkish foreign policy since the early 1980s to show shifts in Arab perceptions of Turkey. Prior to 2002, Arab scholars were focused on the competition between Turkey's secular and religious elites, with largely negative views of the country's policies in the Middle East. With the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), Arab scholars began to look more positively toward Turkey, as it sought to play a new role in the Middle East. With the Arab uprisings from 2011 onward, the Arab literature on Turkey began to vary, reflecting the developments in Turkey's relationships with scholars' respective countries.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 257-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirzad Azad

In spite of her troubled presidency at home and premature, ignominious exit from power, Park Geun-hye made serious attempts to bolster the main direction of the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) foreign policy toward the Middle East. A collaborative drive for accomplishing a new momentous boom was by and large a dominant and recurring theme in the Park government’s overall approach to the region. Park enjoyed both personal motivation as well as politico-economic justifications to push for such arduous yet potentially viable objective. Although the ROK’s yearning for a second boom in the Middle East was not ultimately accomplished under the Park presidency, nonetheless, the very aspiration played a crucial role in either rekindling or initiating policy measures in South Korea’s orientation toward different parts of a greater Middle East region, extending from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to Morocco.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 228-237
Author(s):  
Marina Shpakovskaya ◽  
Oleg Barnashov ◽  
Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah ◽  
Asadullah Noori ◽  
Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad

The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first decade of the XXI century.


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