Framing of Land Ownership in The Herald Newspaper in Zimbabwe

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Washington Mushore ◽  
Khatija Bibi Khan

The aim of this article is to critically unpack the frames through which the concept of land ownership was discussed in The Herald newspaper during the land reform exercise, also known as Third Chimurenga or “Fast Track Land Reform Exercise,” which was earnestly conducted in the period 2000–2008. The potential of the media in general, and The Herald newspaper in particular, to mould public opinion cannot be ignored. The article is guided by framing theory in its exploration of land ownership discourses in the Zimbabwean media. Framing theory refers to how the media packages and presents information to the public. Accordingly, the media highlights certain events and places them within a particular context to encourage or discourage certain interpretations. In this way, the media exercises a selective influence on how people view reality. This article argues that land, according to The Herald newspaper, belongs to the Black majority or native people of Zimbabwe, and ownership of land was legitimised generally through skin colour and place of birth. In this respect, The Herald newspaper took a positive stance toward the inevitability of the Land Reform Programme. However, it did not clearly state whether all Black people had equal access to the land or had the same right to own land. To demonstrate the above, two stories from The Herald newspaper, namely: “Land: Central to Liberation Struggle” (18 April 2005); and “Land Reform Pinnacle of the Struggle” (10 August 2004) were purposively sampled. Purposive sampling is a non-probability sampling technique used in selecting stories that have particular characteristics within a canon of newspaper stories that are of interest, and which will best enable the researcher to answer research questions. The two stories above were chosen since both focus on land ownership in Zimbabwe.

2016 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 30-40
Author(s):  
Washington Mushore

The aim of this article is to scrutinise how the concepts of land and land ownership were discussed in the private media in Zimbabwe during the Zimbabwe land reform exercise – dubbed ‘the third Chimurenga’ that took place in the period 2000–2008. Using textual analysis, the articles argues that ownership of land, according to the so called ‘private or independent’ newspapers in Zimbabwe was supposed to be accorded to the farmer or person, regardless of the racial bias, who was more productive on the land and who was contributing more to the economic well-being of the nation (Zimbabwe). Accordingly, the private newspapers in Zimbabwe regarded land as belonging to, or as the rightful property of the white commercial farmers/settlers because they perceived them to be more productive on the land than the native people of Zimbabwe who were ultimately seen and labelled as invaders on the so-called white commercial farms. In order to substantiate the above claims and arguments, a number of The Daily News stories of the period were purposively sampled and are used as examples.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-62
Author(s):  
Anđelija Đukić

In recent decades, there has been notably increased engagement of the international community in combating human trafficking, which has also been contributed by the media. The role of the media is reflected in building certain public attitudes and influencing political decision-making. Based on the selected literature, the paper considers the media framing of human trafficking from the 1990s to the present. The media decides on how to approach trafficking, content and causes, information sources, generating and presenting alternative solutions process, as well as motivational procedures for initiating actions of the public and politicians, thus creating diagnostic, prognostic and motivational frames. Based on the research, it is concluded that media frames of human trafficking are not holistic but segmental, and instead of a comprehensive approach, stereotypes are presented in which trafficking is identified with sexual exploitation or considered as the consequence of migration or organized crime actions. This harms the victims, makes the identification of all perpetrators difficult, and narrows the focus of the suppression efforts. It is noted that in the relations between the media, the public and the authorities, in the process of creating a policy and implementing solutions for combating, there are significant influences of policy-makers on media framing, and thus on public attitudes, which provides support and legitimacy of current or future political decisions. In order to illustrate the diversity of media representation of human trafficking, as a COM-plex phenomenon and the possibility of different analyses of media framing, the main findings of several studies in the USA, EU, and Serbia are presented.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Washington Mushore ◽  
Khatija Bibi Khan

The aim of this article is to scrutinise the way in which the concepts of land and land redistribution were discussed in the private media in Zimbabwe during the Zimbabwe land reform exercise – dubbed the “third Chimurenga” – that took place in the period 2000–2008. This study makes use of the framing theory. The framing theory is an adaptation of the agenda-setting theory and it talks about the way in which the media diverts the attention of audiences from the importance of an issue to what it wants to project; it places the issue in a field of meaning. This article firstly argues that although the ZANU-PF-led government stated that land was going to be redistributed to the landless black majority, the private media in general and the Daily News in particular reported that it was the black minority (the elite class) who obtained most of the land at the expense of the poor and middle-class black majority. Secondly, it argues that the land redistribution exercise was not meant to correct colonial land imbalances but was instead used by the ZANU-PF-led government as a means to avenge the referendum which they had lost in February 2000. The referendum was perceived as intending to change the Constitution in favour of the ZANU-PF. Lastly, this article argues that land, according to the Daily News, was supposed to be given to people (regardless of their race) who were making or going to make the land productive and not the poor, landless black majority. In order to authenticate the above claims and arguments, a number of the Daily News stories – purposively sampled during the period – will be used as examples.


2021 ◽  
pp. 726-734
Author(s):  
G.A. Polunin ◽  
V.V. Alakoz

The article provides a brief analysis of the content and results of the implementation of models for organizing agricultural production during the land reform in Russia in the 80-90s. The article contains the main stages of land reform, confirmed by legislative and regulatory legal acts of the state. It has been established that shared land ownership in agriculture has a number of specific economic functions: quasi-property, goods, capital and property. The studies demonstrated that the allocation of land shares and their transformation into land plots is a condition for the implementation of the production function of quasi-ownership of land shares. For this reason, land shares, including unclaimed ones, not allocated to land plots, should not be classified as full-fledged private land ownership. When equity ownership is included into the authorized capital of an economic entity, and the agreement on the transfer of rights with the legal successor is not assigned, the right holder loses all rights to the transferred land shares. The existence of such an agreement does not guarantee that the right holder will receive any payments for the use of such property by the legal successor. Individuals who invested land shares in the authorized capital of an economic entity did not have any economic benefit from the reform, and those who converted land shares into a land plot received land property, the price of which has risen in dozen times since the beginning of the land reform.


2020 ◽  
pp. 659-676
Author(s):  
Maria Elena Villar ◽  
Elizabeth Marsh

Mass media is recognized in health communication as a gatekeeper, alerting the public to what is important with a focus on accuracy and relevancy. This is done through media framing, by which mass media sets the tone through which the public will view the message. Social media has emerged as a force in health communication with the same potential for media framing as mass media; however, with social media there is no formal gatekeeper. Looking at two major disease outbreaks, Ebola and Zika, this chapter examines the influence and effect of social media on health communication. The Zika outbreak in Miami was examined with social listening methods to determine both the effect of mass media on social media and of social media on the effectiveness of traditional health communication outlets to spread their message. The authors conclude that social media is both an asset and a liability during disease outbreaks, and its effect depends on audiences' cultural attitudes and trust toward authorities and the media.


2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Haroon Jamal ◽  
Amir Jahan Khan

The study argues for land reform in Pakistan by demonstrating an inverse relationship between students’ enrollment and land concentration and landlessness for 50 districts of the Punjab and Sindh provinces. With the help of enrollment data from the Population Census, a composite measure is constructed and linked with the inequality in ownership of land and landlessness. While the effect of the development level of districts on schooling is as expected positive and substantial, both the Gini coefficient for land ownership and coefficient of landlessness are negative and statistically significant.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Isida Hoxha

In the Albanian society, gender differences remain even though several initiatives of national and international authorities aim to eliminate stereotyping related to gender differences. In this context, media can and must be , the most essential contributor towards improving women’s status. Media, through its power, can greatly influence public opinion by orienting the information the public receives and how the public should thinks. This approach in communication science is part of the “framing” theory, which is related to agenda setting. The research question raised in this paper is about how the woman is represented in the written media in Albania. Are the stereotypes created by society reinforced by the printed media? The methodology used in this study involves discourse analyses of the printed media, specifically the independent newspapers during October 2012. The findings of this study explain that, while the press brands  the woman, representation enforces her stereotype.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-193
Author(s):  
Mashendra Mashendra ◽  
Deddy Mursanto

The implementation of land registration aims to create an accurate information center regarding land ownership. To ensure that land registration administration runs effectively, the Computerization of Land Activities (KKP) policy is implemented gradually and thoroughly. Even so, the application of a computerized system that is so sophisticated, still finds overlapping ownership of land titles. Overlapping the certificate will result in legal uncertainty for the certificate holder, because the main purpose listed is to get the certificate as valid evidence.. Sampling in this study was carried out purposively with a non-random sampling technique that focused only on land that had multiple certificates. The data analysis pattern in this study is based on qualitative methods. The findings of this study are thatThe implementation of Computerization of Land Activities (KKP) at BPN City of Baubau in preventing the occurrence of double certificates is carried out with all processes from the beginning of land registration to issuance of certificates and stored digitally.The factors that result in the occurrence of a double certificate can be seen from 2 (two) things, namely first, when viewed from the factor of the Community. Second, if it is seen from the human resource factor of the Land Officedue to carelessness and carelessness of the land officers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 469-496
Author(s):  
Siniša Zrinščak ◽  
Mateja Čehulić ◽  
Dario Čepo

There is plenty of research on media framing of marginalized and “othered” groups, including refugees and migrants. A lot has been said about the 2015– 2016 refugee crisis, but much less scholarly interest has been put on the 2018– 2019 re-emergence of refugees and migrants on outer borders of the EU and the ways member states have responded to the problem. This paper is focused on analysing similarities and differences in framing of refugees and migrants in the Croatian media in two distinct time periods: 2015–2016 and 2018. The paper is based on applying content analysis and descriptive statistics to articles from four daily newspapers in order to find out how the people coming to Croatia were presented in the media; what they were called, in which sense (positive, neutral, negative) they were presented to the public, and how the media presentation changed over time. The analysis has shown a certain degree of specific political, economic, and societal contexts mediated to, and in turn mediated by, the media’s framing of refugees/migrants. While the predominant frame remained neutral, as per norms of journalistic profession, the change in ideological stance of the government - from social democrats, who put humanitarian elements first, to conservatives, whose focus was security-based - coincided with the relative rise in the number of articles with a negative portrayal of the migrant issue.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 513-527 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oksan Bayulgen ◽  
Ekim Arbatli

This paper examines the Cold War rhetoric in US–Russia relations by looking at the 2008 Russia–Georgia war as a major breaking point. We investigate the links between media, public opinion and foreign policy. In our content analysis of the coverage in two major US newspapers, we find that the framing of the conflict was anti-Russia, especially in the initial stages of the conflict. In addition, our survey results demonstrate that an increase in the media exposure of US respondents increased the likelihood of blaming Russia exclusively in the conflict. This case study helps us understand how media can be powerful in constructing a certain narrative of an international conflict, which can then affect public perceptions of other countries. We believe that the negative framing of Russia in the US media has had important implications for the already-tenuous relations between the US and Russia by reviving and perpetuating the Cold War mentality for the public as well as for foreign policymakers.


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