scholarly journals POVIJESNI RAZVOJ PRAVA NA SAMOODREĐENJE IZMEĐU DVA RATA - LENJIN VS. WILSON

2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 225-241
Author(s):  
Sanja Bježančević

The end of the two great world wars and the disappearance of the current political regimes have resulted in the creation of new states in the international order. With the collapse of multinational states and awakening of national consciousness, the aspirations of peoples for their own national states started to appear. Requirements for self-determination resulted primarily from the decolonization process, but also as a reflection of political relations in the post-war Europe. At the end of the First World War, there were events and people contributing to the development of rights of the people to self-determination and helping the oppressed nations in achieving their aspirations to decide their own destiny within their own national states. On the one hand, there were the workers’ self-determination and revolution in Russia as essential elements in the development of the right to self-determination in the political principle and Lenin's attitudes on self-determination. On the other hand, there were fourteen points and US President Woodrow Wilson with his views on the right to self-determination.

PALAPA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-284
Author(s):  
Nurhadi Nurhadi ◽  
Mawardi Dalimunthe

The purpose of this study is to find out the concept of khilafah according to Sayyid Quthub and Taqiyuddin al-Nabhani, differences and legal basis. This study is a library model, with primary data sources, the Zhilalal-Qur'anic Tafseer and Nizham Al-Hukmi Fi Al-Islam and qualitative descriptive analysis methods. The result is the thought of the concept of khilafah according to sayyid Quthub: 1). The concept of the ruler / caliph, that who becomes the ruler of the choice of the Muslims, acts in absolute freedom, but that person gets the authority because he constantly applies the law of Allah Almighty. 2). The Islamic government system, the Supra Nasional government (the unity of the entire Islamic world). 3). The pillars of his Islamic government: a). Justice of the ruler; b). People's obedience; c). Consultation between the people and the authorities. Thought of the concept of the Caliphate according to Taqiyuddin Al-Nabhani: 1). The concept of the ruler / caliph is a person who represents the Ummah in government affairs and power and in applying syara 'laws. 2). The system of government is khilafah. 3). The pillars of his Islamic government: a). Sovereignty in the hands of syara '; b). Power of the people; c). To appoint a legal Caliph fardlu for all Muslims; d). Only Khailfah has the right to carry out tabanni (adoption) against syara 'laws; e) The Caliph has the right to make constitutions and all other laws. The differences in the concept of khilafah are both: 1). According to Sayyid Quthub, if the ruler fails, then the ruler can be dismissed if the Muslims are no longer satisfied with him. This statement gives a signal that the people get rid of the rulers who no longer fulfill their functions (zhalim rulers). It is different from the opinion of Taqiyuddin al-Nabhani. An Amir al-mu'minin (Khalifah), even though he is responsible before the people and his representatives, but the people and their representatives are not entitled to dismiss him. Nor will the Caliph be dismissed, except when deviating from Shara law. The one who determined the dismissal was only the Mazhalim court. 2). The system of Islamic government according to Sayyid Quthub does not question any system of government in accordance with the system of conditions of society, but this government is characterized by respect for the supremacy of Islamic law (shari'ah). Whereas According to Taqiyuddin Al-Nabhani that the system of Islamic government is khilafah. 3). The pillars of Islamic government according to Sayyid Quthub and Taqiyyuddin al-Nabhani, points three parts a and b at the above conclusions are: 1). Sayyid Quthub: a). Justice of the ruler; b). People's obedience; c). Consultation between the people and the authorities. 2). Taqiyyuddin al-Nabhani: a). Sovereignty in the hands of syara; b). Power of the people; c). To appoint a legal Caliph fardlu for all Muslims; d). Only Khailfah has the right to do tabanni (adoption) against the laws of shara; e). The Caliph has the right to make constitutions and all other laws. The legal bases for determining the Caliphate according to both: 1). The legal basis for the establishment of the Caliphate according to Sayyid Quthub: 1). Ruler, Qur'an Surah (2) al-Baqarah verse 30; 2). Islamic Government System, Qur'an Surah (24) an-Nur verse 55; 3). Pillars of Islamic Government, Qur'an Surah (4) an-Nisa 'verse 58. 2). The legal basis for the establishment of the Caliphate according to Taqiyyuddin al-Nabhani: 1). Ruler, hadith of Muslim history from Abu Said Al khudri, Hadith no. 1853 and Muslims from Abdullah Bin Amru Bin Ash, Hadith no. 1844; 2). Islamic Government System, Al-Qur'an surah an-Nisa '(4) verse 59, an-Nisa' (4) verse 65. Muslim, saheeh Muslim, volumes, 3 pp., 1459 and 1480; 3). Islamic Pillars of Government al-Qur'an surah An-Nisa (3) verse 65, and Surah An-Nisa (3) verses': 5.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 641-653
Author(s):  
Gennadiy N. Mokshin

This article reconstructs the cultural doctrine of the famous publicist of populism (narodnichestvo), I.I. Kablits (Yuzov). To just equate Kablits views with the slogan of yuzovshchina would be a narrow interpretation of his kul'turnichestvo; the slogan is characteristic for extreme right-wing populism during the upsurge of the revolutionary populist movement (narodovol'cheskoe dvizhenie). In 1880, Kablits was the first of the legal populists to pose the question, What is populism? According to the publicist, true narodnichestvo should be based on the principle that the forms of public life of the people must be in conformity with the development level of their consciousness. The author explains Kablits evolution from Bakunism to a peasant-centered narodnichestvo by his interpretation of the reasons for the split between the intelligentsia and the people. Kablits considered them antagonists, and defined the ultimate goal of the narodniki as the liberation of the people from the power of the intellectualbureaucratic minority, the latter supposedly trying to subjugate the life of the masses to its will. The article analyzes the main provisions of Kablits sociocultural concept of social transformations: apolitism, populism, and the initiative of the masses. The article identifies the differences between his program of developing the cultural identity of the people, on the one hand, and other populists' understanding of the tasks of cultural work, on the other. Particular attention is paid to Kablits-Yuzov's attitude towards the problem of educating the masses. Kablits was one of the few Russian populists who opposed the idea that the foundations of the worldview of the people must be changed, arguing that this would eliminate the traditional moral values of the village, including the sense of collectivism. The author assesses how Kablits, the leading publicist of the newspaper Nedelya, contributed to the establishment of a cultural direction in narodnichestvo at the turn of the 1870s and 1880s. According to the author, Kablits played a leading role in shaping the ideology of the right flank of the cultural direction in narodnichestvo. However, the pure populism of Kablits turned out to be too pseudo-scientific, dogmatic and irrational to attract the democratic intelligentsia for a long time; the latter had already become disillusioned with the idea of the people as the creator of new forms of social life.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Dardan Vuniqi

State is society’s need for the existence of an organized power, equipped with the right equipments of coercion and able to run the society, by imposing the choices that seem reasonable to them, through legal norms. State is an organization of state power; it is an organized power which imposes its will to all the society and has a whole mechanism to execute this will. The state realizes its functions through power, which is a mechanism to accomplish its relevant functions. The power’s concept is a social concept, which can be understood only as a relation between two subjects, between two wills. Power is the ability to impose an order, a rule and other’s behavior in case that he doesn’t apply voluntary the relevant norm, respectively the right. Using state power is related to creation and application, respectively the implementation of law. To understand state power better, we have to start from its overall character. So, we notice that in practice we encounter different kinds of powers: the family’s one, the school’s one, the health’s one, the religion’s, culture’s etc. The notion of powers can be understood as a report between two subjects, two wills. Power is an order for other’s behavior. Every power is some kind of liability, dependence from others. In the legal aspect, supremacy of state presents the constitutive – legislative form upon the powers that follow after it. Supremacy, respectively the prevalence, is stronger upon other powers in its territory. For example we take the highest state body, the parliament as a legislative body, where all other powers that come after it, like the executive and court’s one, are dependable on state’s central power. We can’t avoid the carriage of state’s sovereignty in the competences of different international organizations. Republic, based on ratified agreements for certain cases can overstep state’s power on international organizations. The people legitimate power and its bodies, by giving their votes for a mandate of governance (people’s verdict). It is true that we understand people’s sovereignty only as a quality of people, where with the word people we understand the entirety of citizens that live in a state. The sovereignty’s case actualizes especially to prove people’s right for self-determination until the disconnection that can be seen as national – state sovereignty. National sovereignty is the right of a nation for self-determination. Sovereignty’s cease happens when the monopoly of physical strength ceases as well, and this monopoly is won by another organization. A state can be ceased with the voluntary union of two or more states in a mutual state, or a state can be ceased from a federative state, where federal units win their independence. In this context we have to do with former USSR’s units, separated in some independent states, like Czechoslovakia unit that was separated in two independent states: in Czech Republic and Slovakia. Former Yugoslavia was separated from eight federal units, today from these federal units seven of them have won their independence and their international recognition, and the Republic of Kosovo is one amongst them. Every state power’s activity has legal effect inside the borders of a certain territory and inside this territory the people come under the relevant state’s power. Territorial expansion of state power is three dimensional. The first dimension includes the land inside a state’s borders, the second dimension includes the airspace upon the land and the third dimension includes water space. The airspace upon inside territorial waters is also a power upon people and the power is not universal, meaning that it doesn’t include all mankind. State territory is the space that’s under state’s sovereignty. It is an essential element for its existence. According to the author Juaraj Andrassy, state territory lies in land and water space inside the borders, land and water under this space and the air upon it. Coastal waters and air are considered as parts that belong to land area, because in every case they share her destiny. Exceptionally, according to the international right or international treaties, it is possible that in one certain state’s territory another state’s power can be used. In this case we have to do with the extraterritoriality of state power. The state extraterritoriality’s institute is connected to the concept of another state’s territory, where we have to do with diplomatic representatives of a foreign country, where in the buildings of these diplomatic representatives, the power of the current state is not used. These buildings, according to the international right, the diplomatic right, have territorial immunity and the relevant host state bodies don’t have any power. Regarding to inviolability, respectively within this case, we have two groups to mention: the real immunity and the personal immunity, which are connected with the extraterritoriality’s institute. Key words: Independence, Sovereignty, Preponderance, Prevalence, Territorial Expansion.


2021 ◽  
pp. 310-312

This chapter examines Hanna Yablonka's Children by the Book, Biography of a Generation: The First Native Israelis Born 1948–1955 (2018). This book is unique in that it is neither politically committed to nationalist political slogans that are thrown daily into the arena of Israeli politics in the days of Netanyahu nor connected to the one-dimensional, sweeping condemnation of critics of the Israeli enterprise on the Right and Left. Instead, it suggests to set aside, even if only for a moment, what Yablonka calls “the current Israeli discourse, which furiously shatters everything that has happened in the state since it was established, brutally erasing all the achievements of Little Israel.” Yabonka is guided by Karl Mannheim's concept of a “historical generation”: a group in which there is a shared historical consciousness derived from historical experience. She shows how the state educational system fashioned the image of the new Israeli, endowing children with a local, native identity and imbuing them with the consciousness of belonging both to the people and to the land.


Race & Class ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 57-71
Author(s):  
Campaign For Social Democracy

While a stalemate in the predominantly Tamil North and East of Sri Lanka continues despite Indian intervention on the government's behalf, in the Sinhala South death squads associated with the pseudo People's Liberation Front, the JVP, have been ruthlessly eliminating its opponents. The United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), having created and nurtured popular racism for over thirty years in order to get into power (through a ready-made Sinhalese majority of 70 per cent of the population), * would now like to draw back from the brink of another crippling civil war, this time in the South. But they are unable to do so because the JVP has taken up the Sinhala cause and pushed it to the point of social fascism through assassination and murder. Popular racism based on Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism promoted in the schools and expressed in song, textbook and media served to fuel the anti-Tamil pogroms of 1958, 1977, 1981 and 1983, in which thousands were killed at the hands of street mobs. Some of the most violently anti- Tamil propaganda (deriving inspiration from mythical Sinhalese history) has emanated from the present government. Colonisation of Tamil areas by Sinhalese was justified on the pretext of protecting ancient Buddhist shrines. And it is an open secret that ministers hired their own hit squads in the 1983 pogrom. When, in a bid to end the unwinnable war with the Tamils, the UNP signed the Indo-Lanka Accord in 1987, allowing Indian troops to operate on Sri Lankan soil, it alienated the very Sinhala nationalists it had itself fostered. And it was the JVP which capitalised on the resentment over India's interference in Sri Lanka's internal affairs. Accusing the UNP government (and other supporters of the Accord) of treachery, it enlarged and deepened popular racism into fanatical patriotism. But what has given the JVP terror tactics a hold over the population has been the steady erosion of democratic freedoms, on the one hand, and the self-abasement of the Left, on the other. Both the SLFP and UNP governments have postponed elections to stay in power, but the UNP went further and got itself re-elected en bloc on a phoney referendum to postpone elections. Local elections were never held under the SLFP and whatever elections took place under the UNP have either been rigged and/or carried out under conditions of massive intimidation. In the process, the political literacy that the country once boasted has been lost to the people and, with it, their will to resist. At the same time the collaborationist politics of the Left in the SLFP government of 1970-77 have not only served to decimate its own chances at the polls (it obtained not a single seat in the election of 1977) but also to leave the working-class movement defenceless. So that it was a simple matter for the UNP government to crush the general strike of 1980, imprison its leaders and throw 80, 000 workers permanently out of work. And it has been left to the JVP to pretend to take up the socialist mantle of the Left even as it devotes itself to the racist cause of the Right, and so win the support of the Sinhala-Buddhist people. In the final analysis the choice before the country is that of two terrors: that of the state or that of the JVP. Below we publish an analysis of the situation as at October 1988, put out by the underground Campaign for Social Democracy in the run up to the presidential elections.


1967 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 491-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yusuf Fadl Hasan

About 70 years ago, the Mahdist or Ansār state, in many ways a traditional Muslim government, crumbled under the fire of the Anglotional Egyptian cannons. On the condominium government that followed fell the task of pacifying the country and introducing western concepts of administration. All Sudanese attempts to defy foreign domination had failed completely by 1924. The British, the stronger of the two partners, had the lion's share in shaping the destiny of the country. Towards the end of World War II, the influential and educated Sudanese, like other Africans and Asians, demanded the right of self-determination. In 1946, in preparation for this, a sample of western democracy was introduced in the form of an Advisory Council. This Council, which was restricted to the northern Sudan, was followed two years later by the Legislative Assembly, which had slightly more powers. Although these democratic innovations were quite alien to the country and were introduced at a relatively late date, they were in keeping with traditional institutions. Until recently, the Sudan consisted of a number of tribal units where no classes or social distinctions existed and the tribal chief was no more than the first among equals; the people were therefore not accustomed to autocratic rule.


Author(s):  
Mai Taha

In Gillo Pontecorvo’s evocative film The Battle of Algiers (1966), viewers reach the conclusion that the fight against colonialism would not be fought at the UN General Assembly. Decolonization would take place through the organized resistance of colonized people. Still, the 1945 United Nations Charter and the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights provided some legal basis, albeit tenuous, for self-determination. When Third World leaders assembled in the 1955 Bandung Conference, it became clear that the UN needed to shift gears on the question of decolonization. By 1960, and through a show of Asian and African votes at the General Assembly, the Declaration for the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples was adopted, effectively outlawing colonialism and affirming the right of all peoples to self-determination. Afro-Asian solidarity took a different form in the 1966 Tricontinental Conference in Havana, which founded the Organization of Solidarity with the People of Asia, Africa and Latin America. The conference gathered leftist activists and leaders from across the Third World, who would later inspire radical movements and scholarship on decolonization and anticolonial socialism. This would also influence the adoption of the 1974 Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and later lead to UNESCO’s series that starts with Mohammed Bedjaoui’s famous overture, Towards a New International Economic Order (1979; cited as Bedjaoui 1979 under the Decolonization “Moment”). This article situates this history within important international-law scholarship on decolonization. First, it introduces different approaches to decolonization and international law; namely, postcolonial, Marxist, feminist, and Indigenous approaches. Second, it highlights seminal texts on international law and the colonial encounter. Third, it focuses on scholarship that captures the spirit of the “decolonization moment” as a political and temporal rupture, but also as a continuity, addressing, fourth, decolonization and neocolonial practices. Finally, this article ends with some of the most important works on international law and settler colonialism in the 21st century.


1997 ◽  
Vol 18 (01) ◽  
pp. 54-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Houlgate

In his lectures on the philosophy of history Hegel passes this famous judgement on the French Revolution. “Anaxagoras had been the first to say that nous governs the world; but only now did humanity come to recognize that thought should rule spiritual actuality. This was thus a magnificent dawn”. What first gave rise to discontent in France, in Hegel's view, were the heavy burdens that pressed upon the people and the government's inability to procure for the Court the means of supporting its luxury and extravagance. But soon the new spirit of freedom and enlightenment began to stir in men's minds and carry them forward to revolution. “One should not, therefore, declare oneself against the assertion”, Hegel concludes, “that the Revolution received its first impulse from Philosophy” (VPW, p 924). However, Hegel points out that the legacy of the revolution is actually an ambiguous one. For, although the principles which guided the revolution were those of reason and were indeed magnificent – namely, that humanity is born to freedom and self-determination – they were held fast in their abstraction and turned “polemically”, and at times terribly, against the existing order (VPW, p 925). What ultimately triumphed in the revolution was thus not concrete reason itself, but abstract reason or understanding (VPW, p 923). In Hegel's view, the enduring legacy of such revolutionary understanding was, not so much the Terror, but the principle that “the subjective wills of the many should hold sway” (VPW, p 932). This principle, which Hegel calls the principle of “liberalism” and which we would call the principle of majority rule, has since spread from France to become one of the governing principles of modern stat. It has been used to justify granting universal suffrage, to justify depriving corporations and the nobility of the right to sit in the legislature, and in some cases to justify abolishing the monarchy. What is of crucial importance for Hegel, however, is that such measures have not rendered the state more modern and rational, but have in fact distorted the modern state.


Author(s):  
Carmen Almagro Martín

ResumenSin duda alguna, en épocas de crisis como la que vivimos desde hace años, que se ha mostrado especialmente intensa en España, el Derecho al trabajo es uno de los que resultan más perjudicados. Se trata de un Derecho fundamental del ser humano y, como tal, aparece recogido en la Declaración Universal de Derechos Humanos, formando parte de ese “ideal común” que todos los pueblos y naciones deben esforzarse en conseguir. En España, el desempleo ha alcanzado niveles tan elevados que se ha convertido en la principal preocupación de los españoles (prácticamente en todas las familias hay al menos un miembro en “paro”). La situación es desoladora, habiéndose llegado a rozar los 6 millones de trabajadores en situación de desempleo, resultando evidente que el país debe continuar la reforma en el ámbito laboral poniendo en práctica políticas activas que permitan la reducción de esta cifra y la normalización del mercado de trabajo. Sin embargo, no menos importante será la adopción de medidas para la protección de los millones de desempleados, que viéndose privados de trabajo, principal fuente de ingresos para la mayoría de ellos, carecen de los recursos necesarios para hacer frente a sus necesidades básicas y las de sus familias.AbstractWithout any doubt, in times of crisis, as the one we have been currently living for years, the right to work has been particularly affected. It is a Fundamental Human Right, as it is expressed in the Universal Declarationof Human Rights, shaping this “common ideal” towards which all the people and nations must try to achieve. In Spain, unemployment has reached such levels that it has become the main subject of preoccupation among Spaniards (in almost all families, there is at least one unemployed individual). The situation is devastating, as almost 6 million of people are unemployed, urging the country to carry on its labour reforms, implementing active policies that enable to reduce this number and to normalize the labour market. It will be also important to adopt some measures to protect millions of unemployed individuals who, having no job, (as the main source of income for them), are lacking the necessary means to cope with the basic needs of themselves and their families. ResumoSem dúvida, em tempos de crise como a que temos vivenciado há anos, e que tem demostrado ser particularmente intensa na Espanha, o direito ao trabalho tem sido particularmente prejudicado. Trata-se de um direito humano fundamental e como tal, aparece na Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos, formando parte desse “ideal comum” que todos os povos e nações devem buscar realizar. Na Espanha, o desemprego atingiu níveis tão elevados que se tornou a principal preocupação dos Espanhóis (praticamente todos em todas as famílias lares têm pelo menos um membrosem emprego). A situação é sombria, tendo em vista que há quase 6 milhões de desempregados, exigindo que o país prossiga com suas reformas trabalhistas, implementando políticas públicas ativas que permitam reduzir essa cifra e normalizar o mercado do trabalho. Torna-se importante adotar medidas que protejam os milhões de desempregados que, sem emprego– principal fonte de ingressos para a maioria deles –, carecem dos recursos necessários às suas necessidades básicas e de suas famílias.


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