scholarly journals THE LATEST FOREIGN RESEARCH ON HYPERBOREA (2010-2020)

Author(s):  
Олег Анатольевич Матвейчев

Статья посвящается анализу ряда исследований, касающихся мифологемы Гипербореи и появившихся в зарубежной научной литературе в последнее десятилетие (2010-2020 гг.) В России тема Гипербореи до известной степени дискредитирована интересом к ней многочисленных эзотериков и националистов; в зарубежных изданиях интерес к данной теме, однако, не затухает. Норвежский филолог П. Сандин вскрывает культурно-политическую подоплеку древних концепций географической принадлежности Гипербореи, в т. ч. Пиндара, намеренно сделавшего из гиперборейцев своего рода «антискифов». Плодом кропотливой работы Сандина стал подробнейший каталог гиперборейцев, упомянутых в античной литературе от Пиндара и Геродота до византийских грамматиков и историков. Польский историк Я. Хохоровски на основании археологических материалов делает предположение, что «гипербореями» делосцы называли народы, жившие с северной стороны Карпат, в бассейне Вислы и Варты. Белградские ученые А. Палавестра и М. Милосавлевич демонстрируют, как легко может стать политически ангажированной любая версия географической принадлежности Гипербореи. Делают они это на примерах М. Васича, отождествившего Гиперборею с открытой им древнейшей цивилизацией Винча, М. Будимира, узнавшего в гипербореях славян, и Д. Гарашанина, локализовавшего Гиперборею в Подунавье. Итальянский религиовед М. Интровинье вскрывает эзотерические основания костариканского национализма, обращающегося к гипербореанской метафорике для обоснования исключительности своей нации. Дж. Арнольд (Варшава) анализирует концепцию Гипербореи в творчестве основоположника традиционализма Р. Генона. Л. Уэбб (Гётеборг) исследует способы бытования мифов о Туле и Гиперборее в римской литературе от Катулла до Сидония Аполлинария. The article is devoted to the analysis of a number of studies concerning the myth of Hyperborea that appeared in foreign scientific literature in the last decade (2010-2020). In Russia, the topic of Hyperborea is to a certain extent discredited by the interest of numerous esotericists and nationalists; in foreign publications, however interest in this topic does not fade. The Norwegian philologist P. Sandin reveals the cultural and political background of the ancient concepts of the geographical affiliation of Hyperborea, for example, that of Pindar, who deliberately made a kind of «anti-Scythians» out of the Hyperboreans. The fruit of Sandin's painstaking work was a detailed catalog of the Hyperboreans mentioned in ancient literature from Pindar and Herodotus to Byzantine grammarians and historians. The Polish historian J. Chokhorowski, on the basis of archaeological materials, makes the assumption that the Delians called the peoples who lived on the northern side of the Carpathians, in the basin of the Vistula and Warta, «Hyperboreans». Belgrade scientists A. Palavestra and M. Milosavlevich demonstrate how easily any version of the geographical affiliation of Hyperborea can become politically engaged. They do this on the examples of M. Vasich, who identified Hyperborea with the discovered by him ancient civilization of Vinch; M. Budimir, who recognized the Slavs in Hyperborea; D. Garashanin, who placed Hyperborea in the Danube. The Italian religious scholar M. Introvigne reveals the esoteric foundations of Costa Rican nationalism, which turns to the Hyperborean metaphor to substantiate the exclusiveness of his nation. J. Arnold (Warsaw) analyzes the concept of Hyperborea in the works of the founder of traditionalism R. Guénon. L. Webb (Gothenburg) explores the ways in which the myths of Thule and Hyperborea were used in Roman literature from Catullus to Sidonius Apollinarius.

Author(s):  
J. Godwin

Book IV of Lucretius' great philosophical poem deals mainly with the psychology of sensation and thought. The heart of this book is a new text, incorporating the latest scholarship on the text of Lucretius, with a clear prose facing translation. The commentary concentrates on the thought of the text (relating it to other philosophers beside Epicurus) and the poetry of the Latin, placing the text in relation to Roman literature in general, and attempting to demonstrate the poetic genius of Lucretius. The introduction deals with the didactic tradition in ancient literature and Lucretius' place in it, the structure of De Rerum Natura, the salient features of the philosophy of Epicurus and the transmission of the text.


2021 ◽  
Vol IX(253) (45) ◽  
pp. 20-24
Author(s):  
O. Halchuk

The article proposes a typology of female characters of ancient literature. The typology is based on the dominant categories of «moral» (expressed by the dichotomy of «moral – immoral»), «heroic» («achievement – offence») and «aesthetic» («beautiful – ugly»). Through the prism of mythology, the semantics of the figurative gallery «woman-character» and «woman-author» reflects the specifics of the position of women in the ancient world. Misogyny is typical for the male world of antiquity. This determined the emphasis in the interpretation of women's masks, which were mainly given the role of the object of erotic posing. This, however, does not diminish the reception potential of female images of ancient origin in the subsequent world literary discourse.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 201-214
Author(s):  
Dobromiła Nowicka

Transition from republic to principate brought a meaningful alteration in the area of conceiving freedom of speech. Republican standards in this matter were not apt for the new regime as it was too fragile to withstand the republican dissidence. New restrictions and ad hoc measures needed to be applied. Among them burning of books was of particular importance. The article deals with incidents of book burning in the times of Augustus (cases of Titus Labienus and Cassius Severus) and Tiberius (those of Mamercus Scaurus and Cremutius Cordus), which, although not numerous, were of high significance for freedom of speech within the new regime. On the basis of analysis of selected ancient sources and scientific literature on the matter, an answer to the question about their political meaning is sought. Accordingly, the socio-political background of change in the area of freedom of speech in the context of passing from a republic to the authoritarian regime of a principate needs to be taken into account. Unfortunately, historical sources regarding the matter are deeply unequivocal and scientific interpretations seem strongly conditioned by tendencies to discern crimen maiestatis in every case of book burning from the times of early empire, even if it is not plainly attested by ancient authors. It appears that the subsequent popularity of maiestas charges could have influenced the erroneous interpretation of previous incidents, which appear to have been — at least formally — distant from the law of injured majesty, being ad hoc measures at least in the times of the reign of Augustus. However, the essential point of analysis concerns the grounds of the incidents of burning books that took place under August and Tiberius, showing a step-by-step process of supressing the republican freedom of speech. Although rare, book burnings reflect a common tendency in new authoritarian rulers’ politics, which at first tend to deal with opponents unpopular among the aristocracy, only to move on to managing adversaries originating from the Roman élite. Nevertheless, the undertaken measures were not suitable for annihilating the books in question, contributing to their growth in popularity. The answer to the core question about the aims of book burnings under Augustus and Tiberius seems to boil down to mere propaganda, showing that dissident books would not be tolerated, no matter the social status of their authors.


2018 ◽  
pp. 167-178
Author(s):  
Orsolya Bobay

The aim of my study is the analysis of the views on the archaic Latin literature in the early modern works based on the theory and practice of poetry, especially in the Swiss humanist’s, Joachim von Watt’s work (De poetica et carminis ratione). The concepts of poeta vates, poeta theologus, and poeta eruditus are commonly used by the Italian authors – who knew the most important authors of the early Roman literature regarding this period ‒ in order to emphasize the moralistic and social morals of the archaic poetry’s lecture. Some of the authors – for example Pietro Crinito ‒ following Suetonius emphasized the historical analysis of the ancient literature in a particular way. The innovation of Joachim von Watt’s work was the adaptation of this view of the Italian authors, and it is not present in the works of other Viennese humanists on poetry in the first half of the 16th century.


1962 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. E. Douglas

‘M. Tvllivs … etiam in hoc opere [i.e. philosophia] Platonis aemulus exstitit.’ There is a fallacy underlying Quintilian's judgement here—he is not by any means at his best in this famous chapter—which is interesting in that, with very different consequences, it also underlies the almost total neglect of Cicero's philosophical works prevalent in this country in our own day. (That Cicero's philosophical works were once popular everyone knows; but many would, I fancy, be surprised to learn how much serious and scholarly attention they are still receiving in America, France, and Germany.) The fallacy which is the common basis of Quintilian's approbation and our neglect is the belief, explicit or implicit in much modern criticism, that Roman literature is to be assessed by comparison, man for man and genre for genre, with Greek. Some such comparisons can be made, and with profit for those who do not prejudge the issue of the investigation and, since the Roman writers often seem deliberately to invite such comparisons, for those who are equipped with the necessary understanding of what ‘imitation’ means in the context of ancient literature. But these comparisons are silly and fruitless when conducted with the kind of naïveté which can see in Cicero's philosophical writings only a ‘poor man's Plato’. To compare Cicero and Plato in this field is to compare incomparables. This becomes clear if we forget our presuppositions and ask, as I propose to do, (1) what was Cicero in his philosophical writings trying to do and was it worth doing, and (2) how did he set about his task, and were his methods the right ones ? Only then can we attempt, as I shall do briefly in concluding, an estimate of his achievement.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-61
Author(s):  
Yu. O. Puholovok

The article deals with the monuments of the chronicles Siverians, located in the middle and lower reaches of the Pesl and Vorskla rivers. On the basis of archaeological materials, their territorial structure is outlined. In modern scientific literature, there is a fairly established view that the carriers of the Romny culture were chosen to resettle the area that dominated the surrounding and used as much as possible the natural conditions for their protection. From this, the characteristic of the Romny settlements as a hillfort was followed. However, with the growth of the source base, there is a certain change in the views. So, now researchers of the Romny culture noted the predominance of open settlements over the hillforts. But it is fixed much in Poseymya. According to available archaeological sources, in the south-eastern borders of the Siverians, such predominance of open settlements over the hillforts does not exist. In the vicinity of almost fortification of the Romny culture there is only one settlement, although in some cases they are not recorded at all. It is possible that such placement of monuments is a specific feature of this territory, so to speak, a certain form of adaptation of the Siverian population to life on the steppe border. Note that in the Siversky Donets basin, on the border with the Khazar Kaganate, there are still unknown open settlements, and the most important type of settlements is the fortification itself — the hillfort. Thus, in the southern Siverian borders four groups of monuments are allocated. There are Zhurvanska and Poltava groups of monuments are located on Vorskla; on Psel — Kamenska and Nizhnio-Pisilska. In this regard, the southern boundaries of the spread of the Romny culture pass through the New Sanzhary — Ostapie — Lukimya.


Author(s):  
А.А. Adamov

Archaeological materials found in different periods during the excavations in the settlement of Isker (Ku-chum, 17 km from the city of Tobolsk), the ancient capital of the Khanate of Sibir, allow the analysis of firearms of Russian warriors of the 1582–1585, who took part in the Yermak’s Conquest of the Khanate. Various gun barrel fragments, breechloader bolts, a hammer with a lock spring, steel strikers with turnscrews, metal and bone ram-rod parts, bullet moulds were discovered during the excavations in Isker. These findings suggest that Russian pishchal arquebuses with matchlocks of the first half of the 16th century were the major weapon in service. On the tips of wooden ramrods, there were copper and bone bushings for ramming the projectiles. Ramrods were also equipped with three-leafed bushing caps for bore cleaning. All-purpose steel strikers with turnscrews unscrewed the bolts that attached barrels to stocks and disassembled locks; they had holes to be suspended on the gun. Stone bullet moulds were used for moulding lead bullets. The carefully examined archaeological collections from Isker do not support the hypothesis proposed in scientific literature stating that Yermak’s Cossacks were armed with flintlock firearm and small-bore guns.


2009 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTINE RICHARDSON-HAY

There is an abundance ‘to eat’ in the pages of Roman literature, where lavish and exotic dishes crowd the tables at banquets that flatter and fortify indulgent and insatiable appetites in unrestrained festivals of eating and drinking. As Emily Gowers explains, ‘Imperium had turned Rome into the world's emporium: its alimentary choices are presented as almost infinite, from the turnips of Romulus to the larks' tongues of Elagabalus’. Nevertheless, in Roman society, where the food a person ate (its quality, quantity, and presentation) reflected their station in life and where large numbers of the population struggled at subsistence levels, these literary banquets are neither reliable, nor even factual, accounts of a Roman meal. In fact, food or events of consumption appear to have occupied an ambivalent, even undistinguished, place in Roman literature, which typically saw their inclusion in comedy, satire, epigram, and the epistle but not the serious genres of epic, tragedy, elegy, or lyric. Generic considerations could possibly therefore influence an author's inclusion of culinary description in ancient literature, although food details did not merely satisfy these expectations and were typically shaped by the attitudes, social values, or artistic insights of an individual author.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-170
Author(s):  
Michael Witty

Very early experiments described in ancient literature usually have no detailed explanation of the methods used let alone the explicit Control expected by modern scientists for comparison with Treatments. Athenaeus describes a rarely recorded exception in The Deipnosophistae which has been briefly noted in scientific literature but not sufficiently contextualized. The experiment described has one treatment, a control and Athenaeus cites the desirability of replication, making this passage read like a modern text rather than an ancient one. Because technical processes were invented in ancient times I assume that experiments were also practiced, even though they are not described in ancient literature. This passage in Athenaeus exemplifies, by rare contrast, the general lack of description for ancient scientific methods. This lack may be because the ancient practitioners of technical processes did not have the reason modern scientists use for disclosure of all methods and results. Moderns achieve monetization that is protected by Intellectual Property Law or by acquisition of authority followed by salaried teaching in the academy. Ancient experimenters protected their discoveries by secrecy and maintained monopolies by concealment, an inconvenience for modern scholars. The form of ancient literature is important for this subject: it is not like modern scientific literature. When the ancients mention scientific subjects in writing it is in the form of literary discourse and debate where the aim is cerebral. There is no description of technical details where the aim is to allow replication of the experiment. Comfortable logic not experiment is described and intellectual improvement was usually the aim of ancient literature, rather than practical outcomes. The only reason we have knowledge of ancient practitioners of something similar to modern scientific methods from literature is that their kind of technical antics were briefly mentioned by ancient authors, because of their surprising and amusing nature.


India is having a rich past in terms of literature, culture and knowledge. Our ancient literature is filled with secrets and mysteries which if unveiled would do wonders. With this project we made an attempt to explore the scientific knowledge hidden in our ancient literature, bring forward the references involved in these practices and analyze its relevance in today’s scenario.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document