scholarly journals Forced Migration Governance in Southeast Asian Countries: ‘Same but Different’?

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-78
Author(s):  
Muhammad Riza Nurdin ◽  
Mala Rajo Sathian ◽  
Hanafi Hussin

This paper examines the governance of forced migration in Southeast Asia. The region hosts about 2.5 million of forcibly displaced migrants from a worldwide total of 70 million (2018). The migrants include intra- ASEAN and non-ASEAN refugees or asylum seekers, notably from the Middle East.  Based on a review of recent literature, the paper investigates three main destination states in SEA that host the majority of the forced migrants; Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand. The paper examines (i) local policies in the governance of forced migrants and (2) the practice of non-refoulement principle. The findings reveal that in terms of forced migration governance, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand are ‘same but different'; meaning that despite being similar, each country produces different outcomes.  

2021 ◽  
pp. 951-965
Author(s):  
Yana Vadimovna Mishchenko

The article discusses the main results of two major international summits held in October-November 2021, the key topics of which were the issues of the global fight against climate change and environmental protection. The decisions taken at these conferences, with the broad participation of world leaders, reflect the fundamental trends of the global environmental agenda. Within the framework of this agenda, Japan and the countries of Southeast Asia are building their modern energy and environmental cooperation. In this context, the article examines the main urgent tasks of energy-environmental interaction and sustainable development of Japan and the states of Southeast Asia. These countries are located in the Asia-Pacific region, which remains until now the main emitter of greenhouse gases in the world. However, the indicators of environmental pollution by Japan and the Southeast Asian countries are relatively not so high, compared to some other states in the region and the world. The article discusses the most relevant and significant examples of bilateral and multilateral cooperation between these countries in areas related to curbing global warming and climate protection. It has been revealed that with all the efforts made, since the 1990s, the indicators of reducing harmful emissions into the atmosphere in Japan remain modest and even lag behind some of the Western countries. The Southeast Asian countries show a serious attitude to the development of renewable energy, but their intention to abandon coal still raises some doubts about the methods of implementing this ambitious plan. In particular, it is currently not entirely clear whether these countries are preparing to make a full-fledged "energy transition" in the coming decades, or whether they just intend to replace their coal-fired thermal power plants with gas ones.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-149
Author(s):  
Aning Kesuma Putri ◽  
Ratu Eva Febriani

The mismatch between jobs and skills indicates the match model in the job market is not going well, which is referred to as (e.g.) labor match, which leads to overeducation and undereducation in the job market. This research was conducted to find the influence of growth, overeducation and undereducation on wages in Southeast Asia. The data used is secondary data sourced from https://ilostat.ilo.org/data/ data in 2010-2019, especially in 8 Southeast Asian countries consisting of Brunai Darusalam, Philippines, Laos, Indonesia, Cambodia, Thailand, Timor Leste and Vietnam. The results found that the workers with the highest undereducated levels were in Timor Laste, then Laos and Cambodia. Worker conditions in developing countries such as Southeast Asia have more undereducation conditions than overeducation. Economic growth, overeducation and undereducatio affect workers' wages. Keywords: overeducation, undereducation, mismatch, labor 


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (10) ◽  
pp. 91-102
Author(s):  
N. Rogozhina

The choice of the countries of Southeast Asia as an example for analyzing the nature of interaction between developing countries and China within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative is not accidental. The very logic of China’s stated goals of gaining dominant positions in the world economy and politics makes it inevitable that the countries of Southeast Asia located in geographic proximity to it are included in its long-term economic and political plans. The question, however, is to what extent do they meet the interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves? The solution to this question is the main subject of research in the article. There are objective prerequisites for mutually beneficial cooperation. The Belt and Road projects are viewed by China as a tool for economic expansion into the region with the prospect of taking a leading position there, using the interest of Southeast Asian countries in the inflow of foreign investment to create modern infrastructure, the lack of which narrows their opportunities for further economic growth, maintaining competitiveness and developing integration ties within ASEAN Community. Expert assessments made by international organizations confirm the positive impact of OBOR projects on the economic development of Southeast Asian countries and although today it is too early to draw any conclusions, since the initiative is only at the initial stage of its implementation in the region, nevertheless the case studies presented in the article indicate a mismatch in the positions of the parties on a number of issues related to the financing of projects, their lack of transparency. non-compliance with environmental and social requirements. The support of the initiative on the part of the Southeast Asian countries does not automatically mean their acceptance of the terms of the agreements proposed by China, which are far from always consistent with their national interests and give rise to fears in society about its expansionist intentions. Therefore, in many Southeast Asian countries, participation in OBOR projects is turning into a subject of political discourse, which reflects the presence of disagreements in society and confrontation of interests regarding the advisability of rapprochement with China, given the associated economic and political risks. The countries of Southeast Asia can be conditionally divided into two groups according to their relation to the Belt and Road initiative. The first group includes Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam and Myanmar, whose position can be described as national pragmatism. While supporting the Chinese initiative in general, they nevertheless assess the possible risks of their participation in projects and seek to reduce them. The second group is represented by Laos and Cambodia, whose leadership unconditionally supports the Chinese initiative, guided by the interests of their own survival, which largely depends on Chinese assistance. Therefore, the prospect of falling into a debt trap and increasing economic dependence on the PRC and even the threat of losing sovereignty does not deter them from participating in highly controversial projects from a commercial point of view. Based on the analysis made, the author comes to the conclusion that, given the existing alignment of political forces in Southeast Asia, China can count on promoting its initiative in the region, which, however, does not automatically lead to an increase in its political influence and to the creation of a China-centric model of regional order. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (agreement № 075-15-2020-783).


Author(s):  
Nor Aida Abdul Rahman

The growing interest in Halal tourism activity represents a prolific lens for scholars and practitioners in the tourism arena to study its concept, its role, and its potential to affect the sustainability of Halal tourism industry. The success of tourism industry is highly dependent on traveler experience with respect to customer service, experience, facilities, comfort, and delight. The notion of Halal tourism is connected and geared to the adoption of Islamic principles and practice in all aspect of tourism activities such as in Halal hotel, Halal restaurant, Halal spa, Halal package tour, Halal transportation, Halal warehouse, and Halal retail. Halal tourism market reached USD 181 billion in year 2018 and is expected to grow every year. The number of Muslim travelers to Southeast Asian countries has rapidly increased as Southeast Asia (SEA) is known as a dynamic environment with a total Muslim population around 240 million.


Author(s):  
See Seng Tan

This introductory chapter presents the aims and architecture of the book. It introduces an emerging ethic of responsible sovereignty in Southeast Asia, which it calls the ‘responsibility to provide’ (or R2Provide), and seeks an ethical explanation for it. The chapter provides synopses of the eight chapters that follow, which collectively accomplish the book’s three objectives. Firstly, it identifies and assesses a number of regional developments in defence, security, diplomatic and economic cooperation in which Southeast Asian countries, individually as well as institutionally through ASEAN and its various functional manifestations and modalities, have sought to assist one another in collective response to challenging situations. Secondly, it discusses how the R2Provide has taken root in Southeast Asia, albeit more deeply so in some countries than others, as well as within ASEAN and its various functional subsidiaries and spinoffs, such as the ADMM, the ADMM-Plus, the AHA Centre and the like. Thirdly, contra communitarian and liberal perspectives on ethics, it introduces and critically applies the ethics of Emmanuel Levinas, specifically his notion of responsibility for the other, to the R2Provide and more broadly to the quest for responsible interstate conduct in Southeast Asia.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 235-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis O. Javier ◽  
Cosphiadi Irawan ◽  
Marzida Binti Mansor ◽  
Wimonrat Sriraj ◽  
Kian Hian Tan ◽  
...  

This expert opinion report examines the current realities of the cancer pain management landscape and the various factors that hinder optimal pain control in six countries in Southeast Asia, describes ongoing efforts to advance patient care, and discusses approaches for improving cancer pain management. Information was gathered from leading experts in the field of cancer pain management in each country through an initial meeting and subsequent e-mail discussions. Overall, there are vast disparities in cancer pain management practices and access to opioids in the Southeast Asian countries. The experts considered cancer pain as being generally undermanaged. Access to opioids is inadequate in most countries, and opioid use for analgesia remains inadequate in the region. Several system-, physician-, and patient-related barriers to adequate pain relief were identified, including widespread over-regulation of opioid use, shortage of trained health care workers, inadequacies in pain assessment and knowledge about managing pain, and widespread resistance among patients and physicians toward opioid treatment. According to the experts, many of the ongoing initiatives in the Southeast Asian countries are related to educating patients and physicians on cancer pain management and opioid use. Efforts to improve opioid availability and reduce regulatory barriers in the region are limited, and much work is still needed to improve the status of cancer pain management in the region. Enacting necessary change will require recognition of the unique needs and resources of each country and collaboration across interdisciplinary professional teams to improve cancer pain care in this region.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kow Ren Yi

Introduction: Diabetes mellitus is a major non-communicable disease in Malaysia and Southeast Asian Countries. In this study, we aimed to determine the microbiological profile of diabetic foot infection and the antibiotic susceptibility in Malaysia and to compare our findings with that from other Southeast Asia countries. Materials and Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted in three district hospitals (Bentong, Raub and Kuala Lipis) from the 1 st January to the 31st December 2016. Microbiological profiles of intra-operative deep tissue and bone samples from diabetic foot infection were included. Studies reporting the microbiological profiles from Southeast Asia countries were reviewed and the data were extracted for comparison. Results: A high incidence of gram negative pathogens was isolated (73.4%). The predominant pathogens isolated included Staphylococcus sp (17.5%), Klebsiella sp (17%), Pseudomonas sp (15.4%) and Proteus sp (13.8%). Among those gram negative pathogens tested, a high number of them were resistant to ampicillin and amoxicillin/clavulanic acid. They were sensitive to imipenem (98.9%), tazosin (97.7%) and ampicillin-sulbactam (84.8%). All Southeast Asian countries studied except Singapore have high gram negative to gram positive pathogens ratio. Conclusion: The empirical antibiotics should be tailored to the local bacteriological profiles of diabetic foot infection.


2008 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 9-27
Author(s):  
Beoy Kui Ng

Abstract The purpose of the paper is to examine the economic impact of China on Southeast Asian countries, mainly in terms of trade and investment. The paper attempts to examine whether the rise of China poses a threat to Southeast Asia as a region in the area of international trade, especially competition in third country markets, and asks, can they be friends and allies rather than competitors in international market? Secondly, the paper also questions if the concentration of foreign direct investment (FDI) in China is resulting in a diversion of FDI away from the region. Do FDI in China and Southeast Asia complement one another when it comes to the international division of labour? On the other hand, the increasing role of China as an international trader and global investor provides an opportunity for Southeast Asia countries to integrate with the Chinese economy. The huge domestic market of China also provides vast opportunities for investment, especially through connections with their respective ethnic Chinese businesses in the region. The overall assessment is that the rise of China will benefit Southeast Asian countries, especially in terms of China's role in the Asian production network, destination for investment, its outward investment and more importantly, its huge and growing domestic market. All these turn China into another driver for economic growth in Asia. Keywords: China, FDI flows, Southeast Asia, trade, investment, Asia production networks.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ante Babić ◽  
Tomislav Babić

In this paper we are examining optimal approach to the markets of Southeast Asia. Croatian export has been traditionally oriented towards few neigboring countries. Countries of Southeast Asia on the other hand represent (besides China, Korea and Japan) market of almost 600 million inhabitants with relatively high growth rates, which is making them an interesting growth area that is less dependent on European trends. As Southeast-Asian countries are considerably remote and „exotic“ one has to deeply consider about optimal approach to those markets since logistic costs are high. We are offering theoretical approach as well as some successful approaches to markets in Southeast Asia.


Author(s):  
Kenton Clymer

The U.S. relationship with Southeast Asia has always reflected the state of U.S. interactions with the three major powers that surround the region: Japan, China, and, to a lesser extent, India. Initially, Americans looked at Southeast Asia as an avenue to the rich markets that China and India seemed to offer, while also finding trading opportunities in the region itself. Later, American missionaries sought to save Southeast Asian souls, while U.S. officials often viewed Southeast Asia as a region that could tip the overall balance of power in East Asia if its enormous resources fell under the control of a hostile power. American interest expanded enormously with the annexation of the Philippines in 1899, an outgrowth of the Spanish-American War. That acquisition resulted in a nearly half-century of American colonial rule, while American investors increased their involvement in exploiting the region’s raw materials, notably tin, rubber, and petroleum, and missionaries expanded into areas previously closed to them. American occupation of the Philippines heightened tensions with Japan, which sought the resources of Southeast Asia, particularly in French Indochina, Malaya, and the Dutch East Indies (today’s Indonesia). Eventually, clashing ambitions and perceptions brought the United States into World War II. Peeling those territories away from Japan during the war was a key American objective. Americans resisted the Japanese in the Philippines and in Burma, but after Japan quickly subdued Southeast Asia, there was little contact in the region until the reconquest began in 1944. American forces participated in the liberation of Burma and also fought in the Dutch Indies and the Philippines before the war ended in 1945. After the war, the United States had to face the independence struggles in several Southeast Asian countries, even as the Grand Alliance fell apart and the Cold War emerged, which for the next several decades overshadowed almost everything. American efforts to prevent communist expansion in the region inhibited American support for decolonization and led to war in Vietnam and Laos and covert interventions elsewhere. With the end of the Cold War in 1991, relations with most of Southeast Asia have generally been normal, except for Burma/Myanmar, where a brutal military junta ruled. The opposition, led by the charismatic Aung San Suu Kyi, found support in the United States. More recently American concerns with China’s new assertiveness, particularly in the South China Sea, have resulted in even closer U.S. relations with Southeast Asian countries.


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