scholarly journals The Rise and Fall of the New Zealand Broadcasting Corporation, 1962-1973: a Study in Political and Administrative Relationships

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Robert John Gregory
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Professional Autonomy ◽  
Public Broadcasting ◽  
Administrative Leadership ◽  
Board Members ◽  
The Political ◽  
Organizational Mission ◽  
Television Service ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

<p>This thesis examines the political "career" of the New Zealand Broadcasting Corporation from the time of its inception in April, 1962, until the decision of the third Labour Government, 11 years later, to abolish it. In particular, it is a study of the ways in which the organisation's search for autonomy was mediated by evolving relationships among key actors: respective Ministers of Broadcasting, N.Z.B.C. Chairmen and Board members, and Directors-General of Broadcasting; and by the tensions that arose out of the demands of administrative accountability on the one hand and of professional autonomy - especially in respect of the organisation's journalistic staff - on the other. The thesis examines the implications of governmental appointment of the N.Z.B.C.'s Board members, and the problems arising out of the retention of ministerial responsibility for public broadcasting during this period. These aspects are discussed with reference to the theory of the public corporation in general. The thesis also examines aspects of administrative leadership within the Corporation, in particular the definition of organizational mission, and the promotion of institutional identity, both internally and externally. It concludes that the demise of the N.Z.B.C. is explicable principally in terms of conflicts which stemmed from the nature of the tasks the organisation was called upon to perform, especially the introduction and expansion of a television service within New Zealand, and the development of news and current affairs broadcasting; in terms of the political constraints and influences - both real and apparent - that worked upon it; and of shortcomings of administrative leadership within the organisation. The analysis is provided against the background of a review of the history of public broadcasting in New Zealand, from the early 1920's until the advent of the Corporation. This review is organised under five heads which bear upon the content of the main analysis: the control of broadcasting in New Zealand; the development of news and controversial broadcasting; the debate on monopoly and competition; the emergence of a philosophy of public broadcasting in New Zealand, with particular reference to the role of the first Director of Broadcasting, Professor (later Sir James) Shelley; and the advent of the N.Z.B.C.</p>

scholarly journals The Rise and Fall of the New Zealand Broadcasting Corporation, 1962-1973: a Study in Political and Administrative Relationships

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Robert John Gregory
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Professional Autonomy ◽  
Public Broadcasting ◽  
Administrative Leadership ◽  
Board Members ◽  
The Political ◽  
Organizational Mission ◽  
Television Service ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

<p>This thesis examines the political "career" of the New Zealand Broadcasting Corporation from the time of its inception in April, 1962, until the decision of the third Labour Government, 11 years later, to abolish it. In particular, it is a study of the ways in which the organisation's search for autonomy was mediated by evolving relationships among key actors: respective Ministers of Broadcasting, N.Z.B.C. Chairmen and Board members, and Directors-General of Broadcasting; and by the tensions that arose out of the demands of administrative accountability on the one hand and of professional autonomy - especially in respect of the organisation's journalistic staff - on the other. The thesis examines the implications of governmental appointment of the N.Z.B.C.'s Board members, and the problems arising out of the retention of ministerial responsibility for public broadcasting during this period. These aspects are discussed with reference to the theory of the public corporation in general. The thesis also examines aspects of administrative leadership within the Corporation, in particular the definition of organizational mission, and the promotion of institutional identity, both internally and externally. It concludes that the demise of the N.Z.B.C. is explicable principally in terms of conflicts which stemmed from the nature of the tasks the organisation was called upon to perform, especially the introduction and expansion of a television service within New Zealand, and the development of news and current affairs broadcasting; in terms of the political constraints and influences - both real and apparent - that worked upon it; and of shortcomings of administrative leadership within the organisation. The analysis is provided against the background of a review of the history of public broadcasting in New Zealand, from the early 1920's until the advent of the Corporation. This review is organised under five heads which bear upon the content of the main analysis: the control of broadcasting in New Zealand; the development of news and controversial broadcasting; the debate on monopoly and competition; the emergence of a philosophy of public broadcasting in New Zealand, with particular reference to the role of the first Director of Broadcasting, Professor (later Sir James) Shelley; and the advent of the N.Z.B.C.</p>

Democracy and Political Culture

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Social System ◽  
Political System ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.

The Political Theory of the Disruption

1916 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold J. Laski
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Secular Society ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Political Principles ◽  
The Church

“Of political principles,” says a distinguished authority, “whether they be those of order or of freedom, we must seek in religious and quasi-theological writings for the highest and most notable expressions.” No one, in truth, will deny the accuracy of this claim for those ages before the Reformation transferred the centre of political authority from church to state. What is too rarely realised is the modernism of those writings in all save form. Just as the medieval state had to fight hard for relief from ecclesiastical trammels, so does its modern exclusiveness throw the burden of a kindred struggle upon its erstwhile rival. The church, intelligibly enough, is compelled to seek the protection of its liberties lest it become no more than the religious department of an otherwise secular society. The main problem, in fact, for the political theorist is still that which lies at the root of medieval conflict. What is the definition of sovereignty? Shall the nature and personality of those groups of which the state is so formidably one be regarded as in its gift to define? Can the state tolerate alongside itself churches which avow themselves societates perfectae, claiming exemption from its jurisdiction even when, as often enough, they traverse the field over which it ploughs? Is the state but one of many, or are those many but parts of itself, the one?

The Event and Democracy

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Mukulika Banerjee
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Values ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Manchester School ◽  
Key Events

Chapter 1 examines the significance of India’s constitution as both a democracy and a republic and the force of B. R. Ambedkar’s ideas on the necessity for “democracy in social life” alongside the institutions of formal democracy. It is the first study that draws attention to India’s credentials as a republic as a way of understanding its democracy. The chapter introduces the site of this study and the linkages between agrarian and democratic values. Methodologically, it shows the importance of using the approaches of the Manchester School in India (hitherto unexplored) and the value this adds to our definition of what constitutes “the political.” Here, “the political” contains both agonistic and competitive tendencies on the one hand, but also reparative and cooperative impulsions. The methodology of this book, of studying electoral and non-electoral social life alongside each other, and the four key “events” of the book are also explained.

Clausewitz, Die Politik, and the Political Purpose of Strategy

2021 ◽  
pp. 56-72
Author(s):  
Beatrice Heuser
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Military Policy ◽  
Political Purpose ◽  
Narrow Definition ◽  
Military Engagement ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
New Tradition

Clausewitz’s writings stand in two traditions. On the one hand, with his own very narrow definition of strategy, “Strategy is the use of the [military] engagement for the purpose of the war,” he continued a tradition that goes back to Paul-Gédéon Joly de Maizeroy and beyond him to Byzantine Emperor Leo VI. It is not least because of Clausewitz’s espousal of this tradition that this narrow definition still dominated Soviet thinking. On the other hand, Clausewitz stood in a new tradition reflecting on the relationship between a political purpose of the war itself. This goes back to Guibert, Kant, Rühle von Lilienstern but also a long-forgotten anonymous work probably written by Zanthier. This dwelt on the bureaucratic process of strategy-making in the interface between (politically dominated) foreign policy and (hardware- and means-dominated) military policy. It is ultimately to the latter tradition that we owe his reflections on the domination of political considerations captured in his famous line about war being the continuation of politics by other means. This in turn is the foundation on which most other reflections on grand strategy have been built.

Eighteenth-Century English Politics: Recent Work

2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 248-272
Author(s):  
Jeremy Black
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Historical Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dust Jacket ◽  
The Subject ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
English Politics

This article is intended as a sequel to the one published in Albion 28, 4 ([Winter 1996]: 607–33). As with the earlier article, it reflects the wealth of recent scholarship and adopts a wide definition of politics, and there is a powerful element of choice and subjectivity. The last arises in part from the breadth of the subject. A definition of the political culture and process of the period that directs attention to cultural, religious, social and gender issues is not one that can be readily summarized by restricting attention to the world of Court, Parliament, and the political elite.Last time I began with cultural politics, and it is worth renewing this approach because the role of discourses as both forms of political expression and the subject of historical study remain important. The most prominent book in this field was a disappointment. John Brewer's The Pleasures of the Imagination: English Culture in the Eighteenth Century (1997) is a work about and of consumerism. The forcing house of eighteenth-century public demand provides the essential pressure for cultural modernization and for the definition of taste in this account. Consumerism has also structured Brewer's book as a cultural and intellectual artefact. As he acknowledges, he wanted to ensure that the book “would be a beautiful object,” and HarperCollins has amply fulfilled this requirement. The publisher was also responsible for fighting what Brewer terms the “alien abstractions” of the original prose, and presumably for the decision to dispense with footnotes. The book as consumer product contributes to the sumptuous cover illustration, a painting of “Sir Rowland and Lady Winn in the Library at Nostell Priory,” to the photograph of the relaxed author on the dust-jacket, and to the laudatory quotes from two big names, Simon Schama and Lisa Jardine, not noted for their work on the subject but then most potential purchasers would not know that.

scholarly journals Notes toward a Definition of Romantic Nationalism

Romantik ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joep Leerssen
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Productions ◽  
Cultural Character ◽  
Language History ◽  
The Arts ◽  
Connected Node ◽  
Current Usage ◽  
To Come ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

<p>While the concept ‘Romantic nationalism’ is becoming widespread, its current usage tends to compound the vagueness inherent in its two constituent terms, Romanticism and nationalism. In order to come to a more focused understanding of the concept, this article surveys a wide sample of Romantically inflected nationalist activities and practices, and nationalistically inflected cultural productions and reflections of Romantic vintage, drawn from various media (literature, music, the arts, critical and historical writing) and from different countries. On that basis, it is argued that something which can legitimately be called ‘Romantic nationalism’ indeed took shape Europe-wide between 1800 and 1850. A dense and intricately connected node of concerns and exchanges, it affected different countries, cultural fields, and media, and as such it takes up a distinct position alongside political and post-Enlightenment nationalism on the one hand, and the less politically-charged manifestations<br />of Romanticism on the other. A possible definition is suggested by way of the<br />conclusion: Romantic nationalism is the celebration of the nation (defined by its language, history, and cultural character) as an inspiring ideal for artistic expression; and the instrumentalization of that expression in ways of raising the political consciousness.</p>

scholarly journals Instruments to measure the successfulness of political parties

2005 ◽  
pp. 395-403
Author(s):  
Uros Suvakovic
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Measuring Instruments ◽  
Local Leadership ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Basic Goal ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

Social sciences should always aim to reach the highest possible level of exactness, as much as they can when one has in mind their topic of research. In the case of research about political parties, we believe that it is possible - with relatively exract indicators - to establish their successfulness and quantify it by using two measuring instruments: the ten-member graphic scale of successfulness of political parties and the index of successfulness of political parties. Political parties are political organizations of ideological-political like(similar)-minded persons who create associations lasting relatively long period of time to promote specific programme standpoints with the basic goal to win, that is stay in power or participate in power. Through power, they realize and confirm the interests, values and goals of those social groups which they tend to represent, as a rule trying to present these interests, values and goals as general, that is as global as possible. This definition of the notion of political party clearly indicates that its basic goal is winning, that is staying or at least participating in power. Therefore, to measure the successfulness of political parties means to determine the degree a party succeeded in realizing that basic goal of any party. Since the political power is implemented through the parliament and the government is a product of the power relations in it, one could assume that successful political parties are only those which have a parliamentary status. How much one of them would be successful depends on the position it can ensure for itself in a concrete constellation of political relations. Among the successful ones the least successful is the political party which has a parliamentary status but it is in the opposition and not leading this opposition - so it has no influence on the government (the position 6 on the scale); the most successful party is the one which has enough power to form the government alone (position 10). From the standpoint of any party - winning, staying or participating in power, the nonparliamentary parties are unsuccessful political parties. Amnog them, the most unsuccessful is the party which just satisfied the conditions for registration, whose leaders meet twice a year and which formed at least 5 local leadership bodies (the position 1 on the scale); the least unsuccessful political party is the party which won more than 3% of the votes of those who voted at the parliamentary elections, but is below the census proposed for entering the parliament or which managed to nominate at least 10% of the total number of the candidates for the representatives in the assemblies of the local communities at the municipal rank (position 5). While calculating the index of successfulness, each party is given a number of points for every year - these points reflect the position of that party on the scale of successfulness for that year (for example, the party X has the position 5 in 1993 and it gets 5 points). Since the index of successfulness is calculated for the period of 10 years, the sum of points acquired for these 10 years is divided by the number 10 to get the index of successfulness of political parties.

Liszt, lecteur antimoderne de Faust

2014 ◽  
Vol 55 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
Bruno Moysan
Keyword(s):  
French Literature ◽  
The Political ◽  
July Monarchy ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
The Aesthetic ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Ideological Resistance ◽  
Liberal Individualism

The article offers a definition of the concept of anti-modernity, based at first on Antoine Compagnon’s 2005-volume Les antimodernes, de Joseph de Maistre à Roland Barthes. The role of the mundane sociability of the aristocracy, returned from emigration, and of the aesthetic culture of political legitimism is examined in the acclimatization process of German Romanticism in France during the Empire, the Restoration, and the first years of the July Monarchy. A hypothesis is proposed about the connections between Liszt’s interpretation of the Faust myth as it is exposed in the poems of Goethe and Lenau, on the one hand, and the political, aesthetical, and ideological resistance of French artists from the first half of the 19th century, directed against modernity, liberal individualism, the upheavals of the 1789 Revolution, and the rationalist constructivism of the Enlightenment, on the other. A survey of the aesthetics of negativity and its musical implications in Liszt’s compositions inspired by Faust reveals that the composer distanced himself from the “naive modernism” (Compagnon) of many of his contemporaries and came close to the flamboyant aesthetic of Chateaubriand’s Christian Vanity as well as to the scepticism, related in our post-modernist era with the idea of progress and of the completed work. Thus, Liszt’s relationship to the myth and the character of Faust becomes much more complex and ambiguous than it usually appears in the French literature, where Liszt’s view on the Faustian freedom is associated systematically and rather simplistically with the modern and liberal process of the individual’s emancipation.

Understanding functional illiteracy from a policy, adult education, and cognition point of view: Towards a joint referent framework

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-122
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Bulajić ◽  
Miomir Despotović ◽  
Thomas Lachmann
Keyword(s):  
Adult Education ◽  
Operational Definition ◽  
Literacy Skills ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Industrialized Countries ◽  
Functional Illiteracy ◽  
Scale Levels ◽  
Components Of Reading ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

Abstract. The article discusses the emergence of a functional literacy construct and the rediscovery of illiteracy in industrialized countries during the second half of the 20th century. It offers a short explanation of how the construct evolved over time. In addition, it explores how functional (il)literacy is conceived differently by research discourses of cognitive and neural studies, on the one hand, and by prescriptive and normative international policy documents and adult education, on the other hand. Furthermore, it analyses how literacy skills surveys such as the Level One Study (leo.) or the PIAAC may help to bridge the gap between cognitive and more practical and educational approaches to literacy, the goal being to place the functional illiteracy (FI) construct within its existing scale levels. It also sheds more light on the way in which FI can be perceived in terms of different cognitive processes and underlying components of reading. By building on the previous work of other authors and previous definitions, the article brings together different views of FI and offers a perspective for a needed operational definition of the concept, which would be an appropriate reference point for future educational, political, and scientific utilization.

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