scholarly journals The Politics of Fertility: The Global Emergence of 'Pro-Family' Organisations

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Jennifer Wigley

<p>This thesis is part of a small but growing literature on the activism of Christian Right 'pro-family' organisations from the United States (US) in international development politics. This thesis provides a detailed analysis of the texts of five globally active 'pro-family'organisations from 1997 until the end of 2008. One of the major findings is that the 'pro-family' political project, previously defined as the defence of the family against powerful global elites, is now being articulated against values associated with industrialisation and modernity. Through this change, longheld Christian Right tenets such as hostility to feminism, staunch adherence to free markets, and suspicion of the UN, are being reconsidered or redefined to suit the needs of the 'pro-family' movement. By mapping the ways that 'pro-family' discourse is changing, this thesis shows the impacts that globalization and involvement at the UN is having on this set of conservative Christians, and how their agenda is changing as a result of their political activism outside of the US. This thesis provides a current, comprehensive and reliable review of the activist publications of the US 'pro-family' movement, and as such, offers an insight into the changing agenda of a movement that is growing both in organisational aptitude and in global influence.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Jennifer Wigley

<p>This thesis is part of a small but growing literature on the activism of Christian Right 'pro-family' organisations from the United States (US) in international development politics. This thesis provides a detailed analysis of the texts of five globally active 'pro-family'organisations from 1997 until the end of 2008. One of the major findings is that the 'pro-family' political project, previously defined as the defence of the family against powerful global elites, is now being articulated against values associated with industrialisation and modernity. Through this change, longheld Christian Right tenets such as hostility to feminism, staunch adherence to free markets, and suspicion of the UN, are being reconsidered or redefined to suit the needs of the 'pro-family' movement. By mapping the ways that 'pro-family' discourse is changing, this thesis shows the impacts that globalization and involvement at the UN is having on this set of conservative Christians, and how their agenda is changing as a result of their political activism outside of the US. This thesis provides a current, comprehensive and reliable review of the activist publications of the US 'pro-family' movement, and as such, offers an insight into the changing agenda of a movement that is growing both in organisational aptitude and in global influence.</p>


2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (15_suppl) ◽  
pp. 9063-9063
Author(s):  
Henrique Afonseca Parsons ◽  
Sriram Yennurajalingam ◽  
Eva Rosina Duarte ◽  
Alejandra Palma ◽  
Sofia Bunge ◽  
...  

9063 Background: To determine whether preferences in frequency of passive decision making differ between Hispanic patients from Latin America (HLA) and Hispanic-American (HA) patients. Methods: We conducted a survey of advanced cancer Hispanic patients referred to outpatient palliative care clinics in the U.S, Chile, Argentina, and Guatemala. Information on demographic variables, PS,andMarin Acculturation Assessment Tool (only U.S. patients) was collected. Decision-making preference was evaluated by the decision-making assessment tool. Results: A total of 387 patients with advanced cancer were surveyed: 91 (24%) in the US, 100 (26%) in Chile, 94 (25%) in Guatemala, and 99 (26%) in Argentina. Median age was 59 years, and 61% were female. HLA preferred passive decision-making strategies significantly more frequently with regard to involvement of the family (24% versus 10%, p=0.009) or the physician (35% versus 26%, p<0.001), even after controlling for age and education (OR 3.8, p<0.001 for physician and 2.4, p=0.03 for family) (Table 1). 76/91 HA (83.5%), and 242/293 HLA (82%) preferred family involvement in decision-making (p=NS). No differences were found in decision-making preferences between low- and highly acculturated U.S. Hispanics. Conclusions: HA prefer more active decision-making as compared to HLA. Among HA, acculturation did not seem to play a role in decision-making preference determination. Our findings in this study confirm the importance of family participation in decision making in both HA and HLA. However, HA patients were much less likely to want family members or physicians to make decisions on their behalf. [Table: see text] [Table: see text]


1996 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
Desmond King

President Jimmy Carter twice attempted to enact major reforms of the US welfare system. Using archival material from the Carter Presidential Library, this article argues that one major reason for the failure of both initiatives was the persistence of regional divisions between representatives from the north and south in the Congress. This factor is as germane to the welfare failure as poor presidential-congressional relations and changes to the committee seniority system in the Congress. American welfare programmes were institutionalized in such a way that, from the 1930s, building a coalition across sectional interests (as represented by members of the Congress) was nearly impossible: gains to one region constituted losses to the other. The consequence of the way Carter pursued and failed to achieve welfare reform was to enhance the priorities, particularly ‘working for welfare’, exploited by Reagan in the final year of his administration when the Family Support Act was enacted.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110581
Author(s):  
Julius Cesar I. Trajano

The Philippines’ humanitarian norms and frameworks have evolved from focusing on humanitarian assistance and disaster relief to more pro-active disaster preparedness, enhancing community resilience and empowered participation of local and grassroots actors. The US-Philippines security alliance has evolved in line with these developments and needs to be understood more holistically and not be limited to providing humanitarian assistance and disaster relief through sending foreign military assets in times of disasters. This article argues that the non-traditional aspect of the US-Philippines bilateral alliance is not intended to underplay the role of the US military, but highlights the importance of the private sector, humanitarian NGOs, and the US Agency for International Development (USAID) in deepening and broadening the security alliance.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (special) ◽  
pp. 19-28
Author(s):  
Tudor Mugurel Aursulesei ◽  
Stefan Catalin Topliceanu

The phenomenon of power in international relations has always caused interest. The current international environment is extremely amplified and interconnected, and developments in recent decades have led to the foundation of a multipolar system. At present, the competition between power centers in the world economy is manifested at all levels of power, especially from an economic perspective. There is a clear desire for the Western European states that are members of the European Union and the BRICS to detach from their financial dependence on the US dollar and the United States financial instruments. We propose to analyze whether there are correlations between the monetary policies adopted by these entities and the characteristics of the optimal monetary areas. If monetary policy moves closer to the optimal monetary area specifications, then does that global influence increase?


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 86 (3) ◽  
pp. A89-A89
Author(s):  
J. F. L.

In the United States, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) has decided to fund project MotherCare, which is aimed at enhancing the services and educational programme that have a significant impact on maternal and neonatal health and nutrition. The work is being carried out by John Snow Incorporated in Washington DC and will include five projects in different countries to demonstrate the efficacy of various interventions, such as improvements in the nutrition of newborn babies, as well as the prevention and treatment of disorders known to be important to maternal and neonatal mortality and morbidity. The MotherCare project will also introduce research and training initiatives in a number of countries. For those interested in researching a practical approach to reducing maternal mortality, the Safe Motherhood Operational Research programme is offering funding for government and non-governmental organisations in developing countries.1


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 13-19
Author(s):  
Vasyl Kovalchuk

AbstractThe article analyzes the experience of patriotic education and civic consciousness of youth in the United States. The author shares his experience of training under the programme “Civic consciousness development of youth in the context of educational reforms” of the US Agency for International Development (USAID).It has been found that the main course of civic education syllabus in the USA is the formation of political culture, legal awareness, the culture of interethnic relations, work motivation, awareness of moral values, the understanding of freedom, the culture of interethnic relations, the development of work motivation, fostering in children respect for work and realization of its role in people’s life. Civic education in US schools is performed in four ways: as a school subject; as a form of interdisciplinary activities in education; as a form of extra-curricula activities; as a way of school life which develops democratic behaviour.The article analyzes the role of public organizations in civic education of youth and defines the lines of their activities as well as a problem of low efficiency of civic education in Ukraine caused by the following reasons: conventional perceptions that civic education does not require special attention; the lack of concurrency in civic education curriculum implementation; the lack of consistency in training and professional development of civic education teachers, in sharing positive experience, coordination of activities and monitoring.


Author(s):  
Julia F. Irwin

This chapter traces the evolution of the US government’s international disaster assistance policy, beginning at the dawn of the nineteenth century and culminating with the landmark enactment of Public Law (P.L.) 94–161, the International Development and Food Assistance Act of 1975. Avowing the United States’ readiness to provide humanitarian relief in the wake of foreign catastrophes, it empowered the president (or his appointed delegates) to furnish relief and short-term rehabilitation assistance to any country affected by “natural or manmade disasters.” With this act, US international disaster assistance was officially codified as an instrument of US foreign policy. The chapter then analyzes the state's gradually expanding role in the humanitarian sphere in light of the shifting architecture of nineteenth- and twentieth-century US grand strategy. If a grand strategy framework can help make sense of US international disaster assistance, studying the history of catastrophes and disaster relief—and the history of humanitarian aid, more broadly—also stands to say something new about US grand strategy itself.


Author(s):  
Mark Reinhardt

Beginning with the unlikely pairing of Max Reinhardt and Groucho Marx, this article unpacks an old, politically troubling Jewish joke as a way of tracing two trajectories that unfolded between Austria and the United States. The first follows the author's family, the second the interdisciplinary field of American studies. The joke's commentary on the dilemmas of assimilation, as played out in the family history, frames a more sustained examination of how national identity was understood by the American studies project consolidated in Salzburg and the US just after World War II. Focusing on how the new field's ways of engaging and occluding problems of race, subordination, exploitation, and land-theft shaped an interpretation of American democracy's history and prospects, the article puts these issues in the context of Donald Trump's election as president and the urgency of understanding not only the ruptures but also the historical continuities his presidency represents. Against the backdrop of those reflections, the article considers how contemporary American studies does and might engage the continuities. The field must help shape a national narrative both accessible in idiom and able to reckon with the ongoing history of white supremacy and settler colonialism. Doing that entails not only moving beyond but also borrowing anew from that early, Salzburg-style formation of American studies. It may also benefit from the Jewish joke: the conclusion and two postscripts read the joke's limitations in the light of recent social struggles yet also note its unnerving relevance to the Trump-era resurgence of antisemitism.


Author(s):  
Clyde Wilcox

The Christian Right continues to oppose lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights, but the nature of this opposition has evolved over time—often in conjunction with changes in public opinion. From the formation of groups such as the Moral Majority and Concerned Women in America in the late 1970s through the late 2010s, Christian Right groups and LGBT rights groups have frequently responded to each other’s arguments, strategies, and tactics. The Christian Right of the 1980s used anti-gay themes and rhetoric to raise money and to motivate its members, but it was not effective in reaching individuals outside of its relatively narrow membership base. In the 1990s and 2000s, a number of more sophisticated Christian Right groups were active at the national level, and a number of state and local-level organizations formed to address LGBT issues specifically. Focus on the Family, for example, took a national approach. Its radio programs reached millions of listeners and its mailing list consisted of 2.5 million names. Focus on the Family’s efforts were aimed at converting sexual minorities and attacking both the “radical homosexual agenda” and the gay rights groups that promoted it. At the same time, Family Research Council (FRC) worked with state affiliates to distribute materials across the country. As public opinion shifted in support of same-sex marriage (SSM), and after the Supreme Court overturned state bans on SSM in Obergefell v. Hodges in 2015, the movement then worked to pass “religious freedom” laws. These laws would allow conservative Christians to refuse to provide services for SSMs, and in many cases allow far broader forms of discrimination. Although the Christian Right was successful in the realm of electoral politics (e.g., the Christian Coalition once claimed to control 35 state Republican Party committees), it has not been able to stop growing public acceptance of LGBT rights.


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