Sectionalism and Policy Formation in the United States: President Carter's Welfare Initiatives

1996 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
Desmond King
Keyword(s):  
Family Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Formation ◽  
Jimmy Carter ◽  
Archival Material ◽  
The North ◽  
Family Support Act ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Us ◽  
North And South

President Jimmy Carter twice attempted to enact major reforms of the US welfare system. Using archival material from the Carter Presidential Library, this article argues that one major reason for the failure of both initiatives was the persistence of regional divisions between representatives from the north and south in the Congress. This factor is as germane to the welfare failure as poor presidential-congressional relations and changes to the committee seniority system in the Congress. American welfare programmes were institutionalized in such a way that, from the 1930s, building a coalition across sectional interests (as represented by members of the Congress) was nearly impossible: gains to one region constituted losses to the other. The consequence of the way Carter pursued and failed to achieve welfare reform was to enhance the priorities, particularly ‘working for welfare’, exploited by Reagan in the final year of his administration when the Family Support Act was enacted.

US Social Welfare Policy: The Reagan Record and Legacy

1998 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN O'CONNOR
Keyword(s):  
Family Support ◽  
Bill Clinton ◽  
Social Welfare Policy ◽  
George Bush ◽  
Social Provision ◽  
The Social ◽  
Family Support Act ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Right

This paper reviews the Reagan administration's attack on the US welfare system during the 1980s. The paper considers the origins, provisions and impact of Reagan's three major pieces of retrenchment legislation: the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1981, the Social Security Amendments of 1983, and the Family Support Act of 1988. It is argued that Reagan's record in retrenching welfare was limited in budgetary terms, but was successful in making welfare programmes more restrictive. Reagan's welfare legacy is assessed in terms of his attempts at restructuring social provision and shifting the welfare debate to the right. The paper concludes by asserting that Reagan's critique of, and attack on, social provision was accepted by his presidential successors, George Bush and Bill Clinton.

scholarly journals North–South relations and human rights

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Soosaipillai Keethaponcalan
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Sri Lanka ◽  
National Interest ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Assistance ◽  
The South ◽  
The North ◽  
The Us ◽  
Human Rights Standards ◽  
North And South

There are apparent differences between the developed North and the economically weak South. The relations between the North and South are marked by dichotomies and in order to deal with the challenges posed by the South, the North choses control and cooperation. The North uses several instruments including economic assistance to achieve its objectives. One of the new tools that is increasingly taken advantage of is human rights. Although there exists a genuine concern about human rights standards in the South, action on these issues almost always depends on national interest of the states in the North. This paradigm is proved true by the present human rights campaign the United States is undertaking against Sri Lanka in the United Nations Human Rights Council. The US and its Western allies believe that serious human rights violations have been committed during the last phase of the war in Sri Lanka. Promoting accountability and insisting on an international investigation, the US has successfully presented three resolutions on Sri Lanka since 2012. This paper argues that the US action is motivated primarily by its national interest. At the secondary level the US is interested in curtailing what is called the Sri Lanka model of conflict resolution and promoting reconciliation.

scholarly journals Quebec’s Economic and Commercial Linkages with the United States, 1994–2017

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Earl H. Fry
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
The United States ◽  
The North ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Big Picture ◽  
The Impact

This article examines the ebb and flow of the Quebec government’s economic and commercial relations with the United States in the period 1994–2017. The topic demonstrates the impact of three major forces on Quebec’s economic and commercial ties with the US: (1) the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) which became operational in 1994 and was fully implemented over a 15-year period; (2) the onerous security policies put in place by the US government in the decade following the horrific events of 11 September 2001; and (3) changing economic circumstances in the United States ranging from robust growth to the worst recession since the Great Depression of the 1930s. The article also indicates that the Quebec government continues to sponsor a wide range of activities in the United States, often more elaborate and extensive than comparable activities pursued by many nation-states with representation in the US. 1 1 Stéphane Paquin, ‘Quebec-U.S. Relations: The Big Picture’, American Review of Canadian Studies 46, no. 2 (2016): 149–61.

scholarly journals THE GENESIS OF THE US FOREIGN POLICY: THE ORIGIN OF THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE TOPIC, 1610–1820S

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (73) (2) ◽  
pp. 81-93
Author(s):  
D. V. Dorofeev
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
North American ◽  
Alternative Hypothesis ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
The North ◽  
The Us

The research is devoted to the study of the origin of the historiography of the topic of the genesis of the US foreign policy. The key thesis of the work challenges the established position in the scientific literature about the fundamental role of the work of T. Lyman, Jr. «The diplomacy of the United States: being an account of the foreign relations of the country, from the first treaty with France, in 1778, to the Treaty of Ghent in 1814, with Great Britain», published in 1826. The article puts forward an alternative hypothesis: the emergence of the historiography of the genesis of the foreign policy of the United States occurred before the beginning of the second quarter of the XIX century – during the colonial period and the first fifty years of the North American state. A study of the works of thirty-five authors who worked during the 1610s and 1820s showed that amater historians expressed a common opinion about North America’s belonging to the Eurocentric system of international relations; they were sure that both the colonists and the founding fathers perceived international processes on the basis of raison d’être. The conceptualization of the intellectual heritage of non-professional historians allowed us to distinguish three interpretations of the origin of the United States foreign policy: «Autochthonous» – focused on purely North American reasons; «Atlantic» – postulated the borrowing of European practice of international relations by means of the system of relations that developed in the Atlantic in the XVII–XVIII centuries; «Imperial» – stated the adaptation of the British experience. The obtained data refute the provisions of scientific thought of the XX–XXI centuries and create new guidelines for further study of the topic.

The Carter administration and the "communist question" in Italy. The political development and action, 1976-1978

2021 ◽  
pp. 101-126
Author(s):  
Alice Ciulla
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Development ◽  
The United States ◽  
Carter Administration ◽  
Jimmy Carter ◽  
Electoral Campaign ◽  
The Us ◽  
Liberal Culture ◽  
Ambiguous Position

Jimmy Carter was elected President of the United States in November 1976. A few months earlier, the Italian elections marked an extraordinary result for the Italian Communist Party (PCI), and some of its members obtained institutional roles. During the electoral campaign, members of Carter's entourage released declarations that seemed to prelude to abandoning the anti-communist veto posed by previous governments. For a year after the inauguration, the US administration maintained an ambiguous position. Nonetheless, on 12 January 1978, the United States reiterated its opposition to any forms of participation of communists in the Italian government. Drawing on a varied set of sources and analysing the role of non-state actors, including think tanks and university centres, this article examines the debate on the Italian "communist question" within the Carter administration and among its advisers. Such discussion will be placed within a wider debate that crossed America's liberal culture.

National Report for the United States

2012 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Economic Productivity ◽  
Section 8 ◽  
North American Continent ◽  
Us Congress ◽  
The North ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Constitution ◽  
State And Local ◽  
New Nation

The ‘New World’ on the North American continent was founded in the 1600s on colonists’ willingness to take substantial risks. The notion of relieving at least some of the burdens of inevitable failure, in order to encourage productive risk-taking, has been part of the fabric of US law almost from the very beginning. After discovering that jailing debtors did very little to encourage fulfilment of debts, and it in fact depressed the economic productivity on which the colonies’ survival depended, several of the colonies experimented with limited insolvency and bankruptcy laws in the mid-1700s. After the Revolution, the issue of providing uniform and nationwide bankruptcy relief was enshrined in the US Constitution as part of the very foundation of the new nation. While the new US Congress was granted only limited rights to regulate general economic matters (the most significant such rights being reserved to the state and local legislative bodies), Article I, section 8, clause 4 of the US Constitution explicitly vested the federal Congress with the power to regulate bankruptcy.

scholarly journals The prevalence of MS in the United States

Neurology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 92 (10) ◽  
pp. e1029-e1040 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mitchell T. Wallin ◽  
William J. Culpepper ◽  
Jonathan D. Campbell ◽  
Lorene M. Nelson ◽  
Annette Langer-Gould ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Census Data ◽  
Adult Population ◽  
The United States ◽  
Health Claims ◽  
The North ◽  
Time Period ◽  
The Us ◽  
Group A ◽  
Us Census

ObjectiveTo generate a national multiple sclerosis (MS) prevalence estimate for the United States by applying a validated algorithm to multiple administrative health claims (AHC) datasets.MethodsA validated algorithm was applied to private, military, and public AHC datasets to identify adult cases of MS between 2008 and 2010. In each dataset, we determined the 3-year cumulative prevalence overall and stratified by age, sex, and census region. We applied insurance-specific and stratum-specific estimates to the 2010 US Census data and pooled the findings to calculate the 2010 prevalence of MS in the United States cumulated over 3 years. We also estimated the 2010 prevalence cumulated over 10 years using 2 models and extrapolated our estimate to 2017.ResultsThe estimated 2010 prevalence of MS in the US adult population cumulated over 10 years was 309.2 per 100,000 (95% confidence interval [CI] 308.1–310.1), representing 727,344 cases. During the same time period, the MS prevalence was 450.1 per 100,000 (95% CI 448.1–451.6) for women and 159.7 (95% CI 158.7–160.6) for men (female:male ratio 2.8). The estimated 2010 prevalence of MS was highest in the 55- to 64-year age group. A US north-south decreasing prevalence gradient was identified. The estimated MS prevalence is also presented for 2017.ConclusionThe estimated US national MS prevalence for 2010 is the highest reported to date and provides evidence that the north-south gradient persists. Our rigorous algorithm-based approach to estimating prevalence is efficient and has the potential to be used for other chronic neurologic conditions.

Characterizing healthcare delivery in the United States using Census Bureau’s County Business Patterns (2000–2016)

2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (6) ◽  
pp. 723-728
Author(s):  
Astha KC ◽  
Melissa K. Schaefer ◽  
Nimalie D. Stone ◽  
Joseph Perz
Keyword(s):  
Long Term Care ◽  
Healthcare Delivery ◽  
The United States ◽  
Healthcare Sector ◽  
Nursing Facilities ◽  
Term Care ◽  
The North ◽  
The Us ◽  
Care Facilities

AbstractBackground:The US Census Bureau’s County Business Patterns (CBP) series provides a unique opportunity to describe the healthcare sector using a single, national data source.Methods:We analyzed CBP data on business establishments in the healthcare industry for 2000–2016 for all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Setting and facility types were defined using the North American Industry Classification System.Results:In 2016, CBP enumerated 707,634 US healthcare establishments (a 34% increase from 2000); 86.5% were outpatient facilities and services followed by long-term care facilities (12.5%) and acute-care facilities (1.0%). Between 2000 and 2016, traditional facilities such as general medical surgical and surgical hospitals (−0.4%) and skilled nursing facilities (+0.1%) decreased or remained flat, while other long-term care and outpatient providers grew rapidly.Conclusion:This analysis highlights the steady growth and increased specialization of the US healthcare sector, particularly in long-term care and outpatient settings.

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