scholarly journals Sport as a tool of politics: A study on Myanmar's Southeast Asian Games 2013

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Aung Ko Min

<p>Since a new semi-civilian government came to power in March 2011, Myanmar has embarked on sweeping reforms to end its isolation and integrate its economy with the international economy. As a signal of stimulating the economic stagnation, President Thein Sein's government revamped finance and investment laws to draw more foreign investment into the country and asked for financial and technical assistance from the international community at the same time. However, the image of a military-influenced civilian government has created administrative problems for Myanmar's policy of national re-unification and economic development. So Myanmar badly needed to improve its national image and legitimacy in order to reduce the obstacles to its regional and international political and economic objectives. As a diversely populated country, Myanmar leaders thought that projecting a positive national image will contribute to a higher level of national brand and uplift their political legitimacy. Therefore the government decided to host the 27th SEA Games which may be vital for re-branding of Myanmar and so they prepared to formulate this idea since before the transfer of power from military government to a new semi-civilian government in 2011. The Games was a good opportunity for the former Myanmar military leaders to showcase their top-down democratization model. Eventually, with the honour of hosting the Games in December 2013 that returned to the country after 44 years, Myanmar successfully hosted the biggest regional sporting event as a promotion for the new Myanmar. Especially, Myanmar showed its kind hospitability throughout the Games while sport athletes uplifted the nation’s image by earning the most medals for the first time since the competition began in 1959. Therefore, it can be said that hosting the SEA Games could revitalize the standard of Myanmar sports. After the Games, Myanmar people proudly say the words, "That's Myanmar". They have swallowed those words under an oppressive era for decades. The aim of this thesis is to investigate how the once-pariah state, Myanmar, used the 2013 SEA Games to present itself as a normal and friendly country and to achieve international recognition.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Aung Ko Min

<p>Since a new semi-civilian government came to power in March 2011, Myanmar has embarked on sweeping reforms to end its isolation and integrate its economy with the international economy. As a signal of stimulating the economic stagnation, President Thein Sein's government revamped finance and investment laws to draw more foreign investment into the country and asked for financial and technical assistance from the international community at the same time. However, the image of a military-influenced civilian government has created administrative problems for Myanmar's policy of national re-unification and economic development. So Myanmar badly needed to improve its national image and legitimacy in order to reduce the obstacles to its regional and international political and economic objectives. As a diversely populated country, Myanmar leaders thought that projecting a positive national image will contribute to a higher level of national brand and uplift their political legitimacy. Therefore the government decided to host the 27th SEA Games which may be vital for re-branding of Myanmar and so they prepared to formulate this idea since before the transfer of power from military government to a new semi-civilian government in 2011. The Games was a good opportunity for the former Myanmar military leaders to showcase their top-down democratization model. Eventually, with the honour of hosting the Games in December 2013 that returned to the country after 44 years, Myanmar successfully hosted the biggest regional sporting event as a promotion for the new Myanmar. Especially, Myanmar showed its kind hospitability throughout the Games while sport athletes uplifted the nation’s image by earning the most medals for the first time since the competition began in 1959. Therefore, it can be said that hosting the SEA Games could revitalize the standard of Myanmar sports. After the Games, Myanmar people proudly say the words, "That's Myanmar". They have swallowed those words under an oppressive era for decades. The aim of this thesis is to investigate how the once-pariah state, Myanmar, used the 2013 SEA Games to present itself as a normal and friendly country and to achieve international recognition.</p>


Slavic Review ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. Saunders

Since 1991, the Eurasian republic of Kazakhstan has endeavored to build a recognizable and credible national brand as a resource-rich, multicultural, and stable outpost in an otherwise troubled region of the globe. It is therefore not surprising that Sacha Baron Cohen, the creator of die fictitious Kazakhstani reporter “Borat Sagdiyev,” touched a raw nerve with his parody of the country and its people as bigoted and backward. While the Borat satire is both grotesque and spurious, the success of the motion picture Borat: Cultural Learnings of America for Make Benefit Glorious Nation of Kazakhstan has provided Kazakhstan with a precipitous increase in its global profile. Using the analytical tool of “nation branding,“ Robert A. Saunders discusses the challenges and opportunities the Borat film presented to the government of Kazakhstan. After some false starts, Kazakhstan has entered into a querulous but symbiotic relationship with Borat's creator to promote its own efforts to build a brand state and hone its national image in the west.


1998 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-305
Author(s):  
Louisiana Lush ◽  
George P. Cernada ◽  
A. K. Ubaidur Rob ◽  
Mohammed Shafiq Arif ◽  
Minhaj Ul Haque ◽  
...  

This article presents the results of a number of operations research studies (OR) of family planning services provided by a new cadre of female village-based family planning workers in Punjab Province, Pakistan. This cadre of workers, recruited nationwide, have been trained to visit women in their villages to provide information and family planning services. The studies were conducted as part of a broad program of technical assistance to the Government of Pakistan. Surveys investigated the quality of their training as well as attitudes among clients to the new program. They found that the program is developing well but there is room for improvement, particularly in counseling and training. Additional field studies are ongoing and recommendations for change have been incorporated in training and supervision. The program is expanding on a national scale.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venkatesh U ◽  
Aravind Gandhi P

UNSTRUCTURED Telemedicine is where health care intersects with Information Technology. In India, there has been no statutory regulations or official guidelines, specific for Telemedicine practice and allied matters, so far. For the first time, Government of India has released Telemedicine Practice Guidelines for Registered Medical Practitioners on March 25, 2020, amid the COVID-19 outbreak. Through this paper, we would like to initiate the discussion on the features of the guidelines, limitations, and its significance in times of COVID-19 pandemic. The guidelines are with a restricted scope for providing medical consultation to patients, excluding other aspects of Telemedicine such as research and evaluation, and the continuing education of health-care workers. The guidelines have elaborated on the eligibility for practicing Telemedicine in India, the modes and types of Teleconsultation, delved into doctor-patient relationship, consent, & management protocols, touched upon the data security & privacy aspects of the Teleconsultation. After releasing the guidelines, Telescreening of public for COVID-19 symptoms is being advocated by the Government of India. COVID-19 National Teleconsultation Centre (CoNTeC) has been initiated, which connects the doctors across the India to AIIMS in real-time for accessing expert guidance on treatment of the COVID-19 patients.


Author(s):  
Laura Lohman

This book examines music as political expression in the early American republic from the post-revolutionary era through the aftermath of the War of 1812. Americans used music as a discursive tool during every major political development. The nation’s leaders faced challenges ranging from threats to the structure of the government to impressment, all amid the nearly constant threat of embroilment in European war and insecurity about the republic’s viability. Americans responded by using music to protest, stifle protest, propagandize, and vie for political dominance. Through music they persuaded, intimidated, lauded, legitimated, and demonized their fellow Americans based on their political beliefs and actions. In music they debated crucial questions about the roles and rights of citizens, the structure of government, and the pursuit of peace and prosperity. They used music to construct powerful narratives about the nation’s history, values, and institutions; to celebrate the accomplishments of country, community, and individual; and to reinforce a sense of identity in national and partisan terms. Organized chronologically, chapters address musical forms of propaganda during ratification of the Constitution, musical expression of transnational revolutionary aspirations, Federalist and Republican narratives of political legitimacy in music, political debates in music during the embargo years, and musical myth-making during the War of 1812. The conclusion summarizes this music’s reception through the remainder of the nineteenth century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 140 ◽  
pp. 34-68
Author(s):  
Delphine Ackermann ◽  
Clément Sarrazanas

Abstract:No ancient source indicates when the agōnothesia, attested for the first time in 307/6 BC, was introduced in Athens. Scholars have long attributed its creation, along with the abolition of the liturgical chorēgia, to the government of Demetrius of Phalerum (317–307 BC), motivated by oligarchic ideology and a desire to preserve the wealth of rich citizens. This traditional thesis has recently been challenged, with some scholars attributing the creation of the agōnothesia to the restored democratic government of 307 BC and others to the government of Phocion (322–318 BC). A new look at epigraphical and literary documents hitherto neglected or imperfectly understood (especially from the Attic demes) allows the authors to establish that the liturgical chorēgia disappeared at the beginning of the government of Demetrius of Phalerum, around 316 BC. The institution of the agōnothesia had a precedent (hitherto overlooked) in Lycurgan Athens with the new festival of the Amphiaraia of 331 BC. Both measures were in fact consensual and must not be interpreted as strictly oligarchic in inspiration. The creation of the agōnothesia was above all a pragmatic response on Athens’ part to the major changes that occurred in the agonistic world in the late fourth century.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Marquis ◽  
Juelin Yin ◽  
Dongning Yang

ABSTRACTDespite the prevalence of global diffusion, little is known about the processes by which international practices are adopted and adapted within organizations around the world. Through our qualitative research on the introduction of corporate social responsibility (CSR) reporting at two leading Chinese companies, we identify a unique set of political mechanisms that we labelstate-mediated globalization, whereby powerful nation-state actors influence the ways in which corporations adopt and adapt global norms and practices. We find that businesses’ needs for political legitimacy from a key stakeholder, in this case the government, leads them to deviate systematically from the global practice in bothformandcontent. These intentional practice adaptations are then legitimized by the government to createinternationalization toolsandlocalized standardsto aid adoption by other organizations. Our findings illustrate previously unidentified mechanisms by which powerful stakeholders such as the Chinese government may mediate, and thereby direct, the ways in which corporations adopt and adapt global CSR practices. Contributions to understanding the political processes of institutional translation in the context of globalization are discussed.


Author(s):  
Afroz Ahmad ◽  
Usha Roopnarain

The last Indian parliamentary election held in 2014, proved to be the finest example of India’s age-old commitment towards the pinnacle of democratic norms. India had set a niche by conducting the largest democratic franchise in history. First time ever since the 1984, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) achieved the majority in the Lok Sabha without clubbing with coalition partners. It also got the absolute mandate to rule India’s federal government by ending the Congress monopoly. Interestingly, the Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi in his campaigns criticized Congress-led United Progressive Alliance II (UPA II) for its impotency towards establishing friendly and cooperative relations with India’s neighbors. He also gave assurance that if his party (BJP) got the mandate, his leadership would adopt appropriate measures to resuscitate convivial ties with neighbors. Since forming the government, Prime Minister Modi has been persistently trying to pursue those promises by proceeding towards friendly ties with India’s neighbors. In the light of above discussion, this paper seeks to critically analyze the progress in Indo-Nepal relations under BJP government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Whitehouse

Mali's coup d'état in March 2012 and the subsequent occupation of northern Mali by Islamist and separatist rebels took many observers by surprise. How could an erstwhile model of peaceful democratic transition collapse so swiftly? Why did so few ordinary Malians stand up in defence of their 20-year-old democracy? Combining accounts from Malian and foreign journalists with observations made in Bamako leading up to and during the dramatic events of early 2012, this article assesses the failures of Mali's pre-coup political system. A combination of the tenuous rule of law, weak state institutions, and perceptions of systemic corruption deeply eroded Malians' faith in their democracy. The junta that ousted Mali's elected president in March 2012, despite its international isolation, skillfully manipulated public frustrations with the government as well as local symbols and discourses pertaining to heroic leaders to gain support and legitimacy at home. The crisis in Mali was preceded by certain warning signs, some of which might be applied to gauge the health of democratic transitions elsewhere in Africa.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Przybyszewska

The history of the inhabitants of the house at 5 Krupnicza Street in Krakow inspired to write this book, the aim of which is to present the history of two families who came to Krakow from different parts of Poland. The „Pod Matką Boską” tenement house, which has become a life haven for so many generations of Reiss and Chłopicki, including medical professors associated with the Jagiellonian University, is the basis of a much wider story about the intertwining of human lives. Thanks to these circumstances, we restore memory, and we often realise for the first time how far fates of families intertwine and connect with each other. Reaching deeply into the family roots, we not only find numerous family ties, but also appreciate their importance. We also understand better how history influences the course of life and how individual decisions can influence the course of events. The pages of this book will include wellknown and distinguished figures, who have their place in the history of politics and science, as well as doctors, military leaders, politicians. There will be also room for those who cared about family and public matters without publicity, serving current and everyday matters, but without whom great things could not have been fulfiled.


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