scholarly journals Interrogating the Nexus between Party Politics and Party Institutionalization in Nigeria

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfa Patrick Innocent
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Journal Articles ◽  
Electoral Fraud ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
Party Institutionalization ◽  
Democratic Stability

This article critically examines the nature of party politics in Nigeria since the inception of the Fourth Republic. It contends that party politics in Nigeria's Fourth Republic is characterised by dysfunctional evolution of political parties, lack of unity and focus, electoral fraud, lack of internal party democracy, intergovernmental disharmony, political violence, ideological deficit, gross indiscipline and elite antagonism. The article is methodologically conceptual. Relevant secondary data comprising of journal articles, textbooks, workshop papers, and national dailies were consulted. The article discovered that party politics in Nigeria's Fourth Republic is highly defective and volatile, thus forestalling party institutionalization and, by extension, democratic stability. The article concludes with recommendations on how Nigeria's party politics could be redefined to facilitate party institutionalization and improve the quality of democratic  governance

scholarly journals Nationalists versus Ethnic based political parties In Ethiopia

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miftah Mohammed Kemal
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
State And Society

Based on Secondary data the article analyzes party Politics in Ethiopia in light of its merits to building a democratic state and society in Ethiopia.

Chremacracy

2021 ◽  
pp. 184-197
Author(s):  
Debasish Roy Chowdhury ◽  
John Keane
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Campaign Spending ◽  
Special Interests ◽  
Indian Politics ◽  
Quantum Leap ◽  
Private Money ◽  
Electoral Democracy

This chapter studies how Indian politics is becoming a chremacracy—a system in which big money rules supreme. In 2018, the already shady party finances system took a quantum leap towards absolute chremacracy when the Modi government introduced electoral bonds, an instrument that allows individuals, corporations, and other legal entities such as trusts and associations anonymously to channel unlimited amounts of money to political parties. Under this new measure, anyone is allowed to buy tax-free bearer bonds for specified amounts via the state-owned State Bank of India (SBI) and then deposit them into the registered bank accounts of political parties. Like political violence, the organized secrecy over money irreversibly distorts the spirit and institutions of electoral democracy. The misallocation of resources that results from poorly regulated campaign spending ensures that elections and governments are captured by special interests. Ultimately, the grip of private money on electoral politics is detrimental to the quality of representation as it skews the field of available choices, and a system of free choice is gamed into one of prompted selection.

scholarly journals Domesticating Vigilantism in Ghana’s Fourth Republic: The Challenge Ahead

2020 ◽  
pp. 24-39
Author(s):  
George Asekere
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
The Masses ◽  
First Time ◽  
Negative Acts

Political party vigilantism in Ghana has consistently been on the ascendency since the return to Constitutional rule in 1993. Their activities have usually been during and after elections across the country. By-elections in Atiwa, Akwatia, Chereponi, Talensi, Amenfi West and more recently Ayawaso West Wuogon, have all been marred by acts of violence. Ghana in 2017 recorded for the first time political party vigilante groups storming a courtroom in Kumasi and freeing some of their members standing trial after assaulting a regional security coordinator in the second largest region in the country – Ashanti region. The paper seeks to highlight the dangers inherent in this rather negative development which could reverse the gains Ghana has made in consolidating its democracy. The author relied on secondary data including relevant media publications and statements from civil society organizations, political parties and religious bodies on vigilantism in Ghana. Findings show that the seed of vigilantism has been sowed and allowed to be nurtured to the extent that the parties have taken uncompromising positions in ending the cancer because it borders on political power. A law has been passed but indications are that nothing much is changing. The National Peace Council has intervened yet there is no sign of lasting solution to the problem. The paper concludes that all stakeholders especially the civil society organizations and the religious bodies ought to be objective and bold to openly name and shame political parties whose members engage in negative acts of vigilantism and urge the masses to vote against such parties or else the phenomenon will persist and its ramifications will be disastrous.

scholarly journals Berbagai Dampak Hukuman (Punishment) dalam Pendidikan Terhadap Peserta Didik

2022 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-174
Author(s):  
Susmita Suharjo ◽  
Farid Pribadi
Keyword(s):  
Secondary Data ◽  
Journal Articles ◽  
Educational Tools ◽  
Profound Impact ◽  
Dam Impact ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Impact

All humans are obliged to be educated. The objective of the subject of education is to improve the quality of oneself in order to become a complete person. In achieving that goal, education has tools to support its smooth running. One of the educational tools punishment which is punishment, has a profound impact on learners. The punishment in education is the punishment given to the learner aimed at edifying the offending learner. After the sentencing, the impact of the learner, the impact of each learner varied, to which in the study, researchers tried to dig up information on the impact of the punishment on the learner by using literature and secondary data, that is, data from previously existing sources such as journal articles, books, and scripts. Then the data was qualitatively analyzed using the miles and hubermans' methods. Analysis has resulted in some effect on learners. The effects are positive and dam impact.

Bottom-Up or Top-Down?

2019 ◽  
pp. 10-23
Author(s):  
Christoffer Green-Pedersen
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Journal Articles ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Strategic Competition ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
Strategic Approach ◽  
Issue Content ◽  
West European

This chapter presents an overview of the literature that deals with the issue content of West European party politics. As argued by de Vries and Marks (2012), there are basically two theoretical approaches to the struggle for the content of party politics. First, a bottom-up approach that sees the issue content of party politics as a reflection of social conflicts. Second, a top-down or strategic approach in which the issue content of party politics reflects the strategic competition among political parties. The presentation of the bottom-up approach focuses on presenting the most recent, prominent examples of such an approach, namely the works by Kriesi et al. (2008, 2012) and Hooghe and Marks (2018). The presentation of the top-down approach is more fragmented as the literature within this approach mainly consists of journal articles in which different elements of this approach have been developed.

scholarly journals Principle of Loyal Opposition: The Case of Political Parties in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Olu Awofeso ◽  
Paul A. Irabor
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
The People ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
Governmental Power ◽  
The Government ◽  
Democratic Stability ◽  
Ruling Party

Modern understandings of democracy not only suggest a regime in which those who govern are selected through contested elections, but more fundamentally, a system of government in which parties lose elections. Yet, the mechanism of vertical accountability whereby the people can hold the ruling government responsible depends on parties in opposition providing choices for voters while remaining loyal to the idea of governmental power. Adopting the principle of loyal opposition as the basis of this study in the Nigerian context, we try to interrogate whether the duty to serve as “government in-waiting’’ equally affects how the duty to critique the actions of the government is performed. The study further probed; can a ruling party cope with the criticism of the opposition party? To answer these questions, the study argued that it is tempting not to assume that, the institution of political party is still at its lowest ebb despite the successful democratic transition in Nigeria since 1999, and the alternation of political power resulting in the change of party in government from the People’s Democratic Party to the All Progressives Congress in 2015. These issues have consequences for the principle of loyal opposition and democratic stability in Nigeria.

scholarly journals Assessment of Legislature-Executive Pattern of Relations in Nigeria’s Democratic Governance of the Fourth Republic: Prospects and Challenges

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Vincent Okpe ◽  
Muhammad Fuad Othman
Keyword(s):  
Good Governance ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Journal Articles ◽  
The Public ◽  
National Budget ◽  
The People ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
Holding Back

This study examined legislature-executive pattern of relations in the Nigeria’s democratic governance of the Fourth Republic and its implication on good governance. To realize the above aim, the study relied on descriptive qualitative method and separation of power theory. It also relied on secondary data which included journal articles, textbooks, executive-legislature documents and the 1999 Constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria. The study upon conclusion revealed that legislature-executive pattern of relations in Nigeria since the return of the Fourth Republic in 1999 had been more at loggerheads and crisis-ridden. It also revealed that this pattern of relations between the institutions, on several instances, had only succeeded in holding back good governance and service delivery to Nigerians. Their crises often overheated the polity, resulting into political instability, delay in the passing of bills and national budget among others. Based on the available revelations above, the study concluded that better relations, democratic consolidation and good governance can only be achieved when the executive and the legislature promote and adhere to the separation of power principles. They must maintain their constitutional jurisdiction to promote an enduring democratic practice, political stability and full representation of the people. The study will be relevant to the institutions, the public, and researchers alike. Further study can also be conducted on executive-judiciary relations under the Fourth Republic.

scholarly journals Nationalists versus Ethnic based political parties In Ethiopia

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miftah Mohammed Kemal
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
State And Society

Based on Secondary data the article analyzes party Politics in Ethiopia in light of its merits to building a democratic state and society in Ethiopia.

scholarly journals Internal Party Democracy and the Imperative of Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Godwin
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Current Practice ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Major Threat ◽  
Fourth Republic

Parties are regarded as sine qua non for the organization of modern democracies, as well as for democratic consolidation. The literature that explains Nigeria’s democracy since 1999 depicts infractions and instability in party politics. It is in this context that this paper maintains that the major threat to democratic consolidation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic is the absent of Internal Party Democracy (IPD). The inability of political parties to manage their internal fuss usually results in cases of defections, which portends negative consequences for democratic consolidation in Nigeria. The paper explains and provides some internal governing structures for political parties as offered by Simba. Consequently, the study historically gave an illustration of political parties in the previous republics by showing how they were bereft of internal party democracy. The paper finally calls for an urgent alternative to this kind of party politics, while the current practice should be jettisoned.

Election Poster Persuasion

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malte Schott ◽  
Jule Wolf
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Policy Evaluation ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Need For Cognition ◽  
Evaluation Study ◽  
Additional Measure ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Policy Statements ◽  
Voting Intentions

Abstract. We examined the effect of presenting unknown policy statements on German parties’ election posters. Study 1 showed that participants inferred the quality of a presented policy from knowledge about the respective political party. Study 2 showed that participants’ own political preferences influenced valence estimates: policy statements presented on campaign posters of liked political parties were rated significantly more positive than those presented on posters of disliked political parties. Study 3 replicated the findings of Study 2 with an additional measure of participants’ need for cognition. Need for cognition scores were unrelated to the valence transfer from political parties to policy evaluation. Study 4 replicated the findings of Studies 2 and 3 with an additional measure of participants’ voting intentions. Voting intentions were a significant predictor for valence transfer. Participants credited both their individually liked and disliked political parties for supporting the two unknown policies. However, the credit attributed to the liked party was significantly higher than to the disliked one. Study 5 replicated the findings of Studies 2, 3, and 4. Additionally, participants evaluated political clubs that were associated with the same policies previously presented on election posters. Here, a second-degree transfer emerged: from party valence to policy evaluation and from policy evaluation to club evaluation. Implications of the presented studies for policy communications and election campaigning are discussed.

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