scholarly journals Principle of Loyal Opposition: The Case of Political Parties in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Olu Awofeso ◽  
Paul A. Irabor

Modern understandings of democracy not only suggest a regime in which those who govern are selected through contested elections, but more fundamentally, a system of government in which parties lose elections. Yet, the mechanism of vertical accountability whereby the people can hold the ruling government responsible depends on parties in opposition providing choices for voters while remaining loyal to the idea of governmental power. Adopting the principle of loyal opposition as the basis of this study in the Nigerian context, we try to interrogate whether the duty to serve as “government in-waiting’’ equally affects how the duty to critique the actions of the government is performed. The study further probed; can a ruling party cope with the criticism of the opposition party? To answer these questions, the study argued that it is tempting not to assume that, the institution of political party is still at its lowest ebb despite the successful democratic transition in Nigeria since 1999, and the alternation of political power resulting in the change of party in government from the People’s Democratic Party to the All Progressives Congress in 2015. These issues have consequences for the principle of loyal opposition and democratic stability in Nigeria.

Author(s):  
Ishaq Rahman ◽  
Elyta Elyta

ABSTRACT A country that implements the system as mentioned earlier is more towards an authoritarian system of government which aims to dominate and dominate the power of the state towards the people. Democracy cannot survive from such a closed state. In a basic concept of democracy, there is a fundamental principle, namely the principle of sovereignty of the people who run the government.Political communication is one of the many roles played by political parties in various available arrangements. The political party is required to communicate knowledge, issues and political thoughts.Constitutionally, the Government adopts a Presidential System in which the ministers in the cabinet are responsible to the president. But in practice the SBY-JK administration is more of a Parliamentary System. Keywords: political parties, democracy, SBY government


Jurnal Hukum ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 612
Author(s):  
Widayati

Indonesia is a sovereign country folk. One implementation of the sovereignty of the people is the election that followed by political parties for members of Parliament and members of parliament and individuals for DPD.Political parties are the main pillars of democracy. Establishment of political parties must meet the requirements in accordance with legislation. Terms of founding a political party regulated under Article 2 of Law No. 2 of 2008 on Political Parties.As the main pillar of democracy, political parties should be able to carry out its functions properly. There are some restrictions on political parties, among others, are prohibited from engaging in activities contrary to the Constitution of 1945 NRI and legislation; engage in activities that endanger the integrity and safety Homeland. If the ban is violated, then the government may ask the parties to the freezing of the District Court. If the parties do not accept the decision of freezing the District Court, it can be appealed to the Supreme Court. If the Supreme Court confirmed the decision of the PN, then the Government may propose the dissolution of the parties to the Court.The procedure by which parties to the Court daitur dissolution under Article 68 paragraph (1) and (2) of Law No 24 of 2003 on the Constitutional Court. Constitutional Court's decision regarding the request for the dissolution of political parties must be decided upon within a period of 60 (sixty) days after pemoohonan recorded in the Register of Case Constitution.Keywords: Parati dissolution of political, constitutional systemIndonesia


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Moch. Marsa Taufiqurrohman

Artikel ini berupaya meninjau kembali praktik koalisi partai politik di tengah sistem presidensial pasca reformasi, dan menilai sejauh mana dampaknya terhadap kestabilan pemerintahan. Pasca reformasi 1998, sejumlah besar partai politik telah didirikan, menunjukkan bahwa munculnya fragmentasi politik adalah sesuatu yang tidak terhindarkan. Alih-alih melaksanakan pemerintahan secara sehat, partai politik membentuk koalisi untuk memperkuat kedudukan mereka di parlemen. Implikasi penerapan multi partai dalam sistem presidensial ini seringkali menimbulkan deadlock antara eksekutif dan legislatif. Sistem presidensial yang dikombinasikan dengan sistem multi partai dapat menjadi sistem yang stabil dan efektif dengan cara penyederhanaan partai politik, desain pelembagaan koalisi, dan pengaturan pelembagaan oposisi. Namun di sisi lain koalisi juga menjadi sangat berpengaruh pada stabilitas pemerintahan. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis normatif, artikel ini bertujuan untuk meneliti politik hukum terkait praktik koalisi partai politik di Indonesia dan mengetahui upaya-upaya dalam praktik ketatanegaraan yang dapat merealisasikan stabilitas sistem pemerintahan presidensial pada koalisi di multi partai. Artikel ini menemukan kesimpulan bahwa model pemilihan legislatif dan eksekutif yang dipilih langsung oleh rakyat justru menjadi penyebab disharmonisasi antara legislatif dan eksekutif yang mengarah kepada terjadinya kebuntuan antar kedua lembaga tersebut. Lebih-lebih apabila yang menguasai lembaga ekesekutif dan lembaga legislatif adalah dari latar belakang partai politik yang berbeda. Akibatnya, praktik koalisi seperti ini cenderung mengakibatkan lebih banyak masalah, sehingga penerapan sistem ini memiliki dampak signifikan terhadap demokrasi yang didefinisikan dan dinegosiasikan. This article attempts to review the practice of coalitions of political parties in the post-reform presidential system and assess the extent of their impact on the stability of the government. Post-1998 reform, a large number of political parties have been established, suggesting that the emergence of political fragmentation is inevitable. Instead of implementing a healthy government, political parties formed coalitions to strengthen their positions in parliament. The implication of implementing multi-party in the presidential system often creates deadlocks between the executive and the legislature. A presidential system combined with a multi-party system can become a stable and effective system by simplifying political parties, designing institutionalized coalitions, and organizing opposition institutions. But on the other hand, the coalition has also greatly influenced the stability of the government. By using normative juridical research methods, this article aims to examine legal politics related to the practice of political party coalitions in Indonesia and to find out the efforts in state administration practices that can realize the stability of the presidential system of government in multi-party coalitions. This article finds the conclusion that the legislative and executive election models directly elected by the people are the cause of disharmony between the legislature and the executive which leads to a deadlock between the two institutions. This is even more so if those who control the executive and legislative bodies are from different political party backgrounds. As a result, coalition practices like this are likely to cause more problems, so the adoption of these systems has a significant impact on defined and negotiated democracy.


2014 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 5-22
Author(s):  
Harasankar Adhikari

In a democratic system, elected political representatives of different political parties could form government and its opposition, and only electorate rights of the people determine the formation of the government. In the present study, the determinants of people’s political behavior to support one particular political party were examined. Accordingly, 200 villagers aged 20–60 years from a village named Babalpur of Borgordar Godar Gram Panchayat under Nandakumar Block of East Midnapore district, West Bengal, India, were randomly selected through stratified sampling. Structured interview schedules and case studies were used to collect data on their views on political parties, causes of affiliation to a particular party, magnitude of participation, their attitude towards alternation of their affiliation, etc., besides their personal background. It was found that the majority of the subjects were not familiar with the principles of their affiliated political party. For the fulfillment of their individual interest in relation to their overwhelming needs in this consumer world, 76% of the subjects had altered their affiliation to political parties similar to the Theory of Vomiting. Furthermore, it was noted that broken inter and intrapersonal relationship among individuals and its consequences reflected through violence, which could never yield a better India. Thus, this is the crisis of democracy, which is speculated to become more severe.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-106
Author(s):  
Muktar Bashir

This article empirically discusses the Authoritarian nature of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) on Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN) in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic between 1999-2015. It employed qualitative method as a means of data collection and analysis. The primary data was generated via in-depth Interviews with relevant stakeholders who were purposively selected. Secondary data was also utilized to compliment the interviews. The article is written within the purview of the Authoritarian theory of communication and it was found that FRCN between the period under study has been dominated, controlled and dictated by the ruling PDP, reporting issues unethically. The outfit was mostly dancing to the tune of the party in power (PDP). It is recommended that FRCN should not be directly controlled by the government or party in power. Also, a law should be put in place to make it discharge its responsibility of communicating vital, truthful and objective information fairly for the people to be equipped with factual information capable of bringing the needed informed decision particularly during elections.


SASI ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 516
Author(s):  
Suparto Suparto

The government system in post-reform Indonesia is a presidential system with many parties. The advantage of this system is that it is more democratic because many parties are considered to accommodate the wishes and interests of people from various backgrounds through political parties, while the weakness is that it is difficult for the ruling party if it is not in the majority. The purpose of this study was to determine the implementation of a presidential system of multi-party governance in post-reform Indonesia. The results of the study are that in a presidential government system with many parties (multi-party system) such as in Indonesia, it will cause problems if no political party wins the election with a majority vote, the President must build a coalition with a number of political parties that have representatives in the House of Representatives (DPR). DPR). Since the holding of the 1999 and 2004 elections, there have been efforts to simplify political parties, by reducing the number of election participants through the electoral threshold and then changing since 2009 to reducing the number of political parties that may sit in parliament by using the minimum threshold requirement (parliamentary threshold). However, this method has not been successful because there are still relatively many political parties sitting in parliament, this is due to the parliamentary threshold that is too small. Ideally, the parliamentary threshold, which was previously 4% in the 2019 election, is raised to 8% in the 2024 election. Thus, a strong, effective and stable presidential government system with only 4 (four) to 6 (six) political parties will be realized.


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Sekar Anggun Gading Pinilih

ABSTRACTA political party is one of the tools of democracy in any country that serves to distribute the aspirations of the people to the government, political education, and the others. So that the function can be realized, it needed financial assistance, both from members of the party, from the state or from the donations of others to assist political parties in carrying out its activities. However, in practice a lot happening raising and management of funds by political parties that are not based on the principles of transparency and accountability resulted in various cases of alleged corruption by the political parties. Therefore, it is necessary to reform financial regulation of political parties that meet the principles of transparency and accountability. The principle of transparency and accountability of political party finances can be achieved by requiring each political party financial reports on the sources of funds received by the party, and the financial reports of the elections. In addition, it is necessary also penalties for political parties who are late or even not make those reports, as well as which institutions are given the task of overseeing the financial reports of parties and institutions that enforce sanctions. Therefore, the legislature immediately makes changes to the Electoral Law and the Law on Political Parties to include such arrangements.INTISARIPartai politik adalah salah satu alat demokrasi di negara manapun yang berfungsi untuk menyalurkan aspirasi rakyat kepada pemerintah, melakukan pendidikan politik, dan sebagainya. Agar fungsi tersebut dapat terwujud, maka diperlukan bantuan keuangan, baik dari anggota partai itu sendiri, dari negara atau dari sumbangan pihak lain untuk membantu partai politik dalam menjalankan kegiatannya. Namun, dalam praktek banyak terjadi penggalangan dan pengelolaan dana oleh partai politik yang tidak dilandasi dengan prinsip transparansi dan akuntabilitas mengakibatkan munculnya berbagai kasus dugaan korupsi yang dilakukan orang partai politik. Oleh karena itu, perlu dilakukan reformasi pengaturan keuangan partai politik yang memenuhi prinsip transparansi dan akuntabilitas. Prinsip transparansi dan akuntabilitas keuangan partai dapat dicapai dengan cara mewajibkan setiap partai politik membuat laporan keuangan atas sumber-sumber dana yang diterima oleh partai, dan laporan keuangan Pemilu. Selain itu, perlu diatur juga mengenai sanksi bagi partai politik yang terlambat atau bahkan tidak membuat laporan keuangan tersebut, serta lembaga mana yang diberikan tugas untuk mengawasi laporan keuangan partai dan lembaga yang menegakkan sanksi-sanksi tersebut. Oleh karena itu, para pembentuk undang-undang segera melakukan perubahan terhadap Undang-Undang Pemilu dan Undang-Undang Partai Politik dengan memasukkan pengaturan-pengaturan tersebut.Kata kunci: 


SEEU Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 108-120
Author(s):  
David Berat

Abstract The article is about defining ethnic parties and their classification. We define and discuss the terms politics, political party, ethnis group and ethnical party. We state differences about the traditional model of politics and the modern one. We analyze the importance of the political parties in representing the political rights of the people and what is needed so a political party can be established in the Republic of Macedonia. Also we show how to determine which party is an ethnical party and show a number of ethnic parties in Republic of Macedonia using the name of the party as an indicator. In this part we discuss the indicators and we state that good indicator is the program of the election campaign of the party. But still this is not 100% sure indicator if the party is ethnical. We concluded this because there are a lot of examples when the ruling party before the start of the election campaign does a research about the ethnical groups and after the research makes projects meant for the ethnic groups so the party can get the votes from the chosen ethnicity. At the end we concluded that the programs and the statues of the political parties are the best indicators and answer if a political party is a non-ethnical, multi-ethnical or ethnical political party.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 520-533 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Meléndez ◽  
Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser

Political identities are crucial for understanding electoral behavior: individuals who identify with a political party behave as loyal supporters who would hardly vote for competitors old or new. Although this is an obvious observation, it has received little attention in the study of populism—a set of ideas that not only portrays established political parties as corrupt and self-serving entities but also depicts “the people” as a homogenous and virtuous community that should run the government. In this contribution, we develop a novel theory that claims that populism can thrive only when an antiestablishment political identity exists. This identity denotes an emotional and rational repulsion toward all established political parties in a given country. We test our theory by analyzing original survey data from contemporary Chile. The empirical analysis reveals not only that a limited segment of the electorate holds an antiestablishment political identity coalesced by populism but also that there is a large segment of apartisans adverse to populism. These empirical findings have important consequences for the study of populism, particularly when it comes to analyzing its emergence and electoral potential.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 593-621
Author(s):  
Alenka Krašovec ◽  
Nemanja Batrićević

AbstractIn this article we identify the factors that contribute to the formation and especially the durability/stability of governments in both Slovenia and Montenegro after they formally introduced multiparty systems and following their democratic transition, with a focus on the effect of cleavages and party system characteristics generally. Although these two polities share several important similarities (small size, common institutional setting during Yugoslav era, aspirations for membership in international organisations etc.), the nature of governments’ durability/stability in the democratic era entails distinct differences. While Montenegro stands out in post-socialist Europe as the only case where the ruling party has not been overthrown, Slovenia has been led by many governments composed of different political parties. While it seems that in neither country are the ideological characteristics of the governments able to explain their duration/stability to any important extent, it is obvious that the cleavage structure in the two countries has varied, as has the importance of particular cleavages.


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