Poverty, Philanthropy and the State: Charities and the Working Classes in London 1918–79. By Katharine Bradley

2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-416
Author(s):  
Mark Freeman
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Katharine Bradley

Afterword II

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kamran Asdar Ali
Keyword(s):  
Social Economic ◽  
Therapeutic Process ◽  
Working Women ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Labor Activists ◽  
Cultural Healing ◽  
The City ◽  
Everyday Living

The second afterword to the book by Kamran Asdar Ali returns us to the city, and to the lives of Karachi’s working women and working classes. He draws on women’s poems, diaries, and memoirs to capture some more ephemeral qualities of everyday living and dying. These contrast with the violent suppression of an underclass of trade unionists and labor activists by a coalition of the state, military courts and industrialists, since the fifties. Given the long, progressive erosion of peace in Karachi how, he asks, might we imagine a therapeutic process of social, economic and cultural healing? Through an image of citizens “at work” creating citywide networks and connections, we are offered finally some possibilities of dreaming. Namely, through increased understandings, not of conflict, but also of each other’s intimate everyday lives, the dream emerges of a new political space or public where even intractable disagreements can be managed through gestures of kindness, compromise, and fresh vocabularies of how to carry on and get by.

scholarly journals Neoliberalism is not dead – On political implications of Covid-19

2020 ◽  
pp. 030981682098238
Author(s):  
Miloš Šumonja
Keyword(s):  
Free Market ◽  
The State ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Strong State ◽  
Hand Grip ◽  
Right Hand ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The World ◽  
The Face

The news is old – neoliberalism is dead for good, but this time, even Financial Times knows it. Obituaries claim that it had died from the coronavirus, as the state, not the markets, have had to save both the people and the economy. The argument of the article is that these academic and media interpretations of ‘emergency Keynesianism’ misidentify neoliberalism with its anti-statist rhetoric. For neoliberalism is, and has always been, about ‘the free market and the strong state’. In fact, rather than waning in the face of the coronavirus crisis, neoliberal states around the world are using the ongoing ‘war against the virus’ to strengthen their right-hand grip on the conditions of the working classes.

State Power in Mozambique

1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-11
Author(s):  
James H. Mittleman
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Socialist Economy ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Essential Factor ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Political Act ◽  
Vexing Question

After winning a war of national liberation, FRELIMO faces the vexing question of whether socialism now can be established. With respect to Guinea-Bissau, Amilcar Cabral emphasized: ‘This depends on the instruments used to effect the transition to socialism; the essential factor is the nature of the state....“ No doubt his statement was premised on the belief that socialism begins with the conquest of the state by the producing classes. They must seize the state apparatus to defeat the ruling class whose power is concentrated there. Both the means of coercion and the forces that reproduce the system itself are part of this domain. It is only by gaining control of state power, which is a political act, that the working classes can subsequently organize a socialist economy.

Feeding the State

2018 ◽  
pp. 9-17
Author(s):  
Anna L. Bailey
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Alcohol Problems ◽  
The State ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Rapid Industrialization ◽  
Economic Foundations ◽  
Alcohol Sales

How vodka provided the economic foundations of the tsarist Russian state from its invention in the sixteenth century. Examines the Bolsheviks’ contradictory approaches to alcohol: they railed against the tsarist alcohol monopoly as exploitation of the working classes, but came to adopt such a monopoly themselves once in power. In the 1920s the Bolsheviks were deeply divided as to what the Soviet approach to alcohol should be, which reflected a broader division within the Party as to how socialism should be built. Stalin’s approach of maximising alcohol sales to fund rapid industrialization prevailed, and from the start of the 1930s any discussion of alcohol problems within the USSR was silenced.

A Contrast in Styles at the Office of Works. Layard and Ayrton: Aesthete and Economist

1984 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. H. Port
Keyword(s):  
Rapid Growth ◽  
The State ◽  
General Election ◽  
Fundamental Importance ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Purse ◽  
Special Duty

‘The rapid growth of wealth, especially among the classes of the greatest activity and enterprise, has led, for a number of years past, to a diminished watchfulness, outside the walls of Parliament, respecting the great and cardinal subject of economy in the public charges, and the relation between the income of the State and its expenditure. I earnesdy desire that the paramount interest of the lately enfranchised classes in thrifty administration may operate powerfully to bring about a change.’ So Gladstone trumpeted the leitmotif of his administration, at the outset of the general election campaign in October 1868. The fundamental importance of fiscal strategy in Gladstone's politics has recently been emphasized. Faced with an ineluctable increase in civil expenditure and rising expectations of governmental contributions to the public weal – what he termed ‘scattering grants at the solicitation of individuals and classes’, the system of ‘making things pleasant all round’ and stimulating ‘local cupidity to feed upon the public purse’ – Gladstone was determined that his ministry, backed as he believed by the votes of the thrifty working classes, should reduce such expectations. ‘I t is the special duty of public men’, he told his constituents soon after taking office, ‘to watch the very beginnings of evil’ in regard to any relaxing of the general principles of economy and thrift; and he promised to reduce expenditure in the coming year.

The French anarchist movement and the First World War

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Constance Bantman ◽  
David Berry
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
The First World War ◽  
War Effort ◽  
First World ◽  
Peter Kropotkin

This chapter examines the heated debates within the French anarchist movement after the outbreak of the First World War, leading up to the 1916 Manifesto of the Sixteen and the Russian Revolutions of 1917. It focuses on the movement’s shift from a near-unanimous anti-militarist stance to a more equivocal one, with significant voices being heard in support of interventionism. What were the arguments deployed by the supporters of the Union Sacrée, and how much did they owe to the influence of Peter Kropotkin? Crucially, could the revolutionary project of the anarchists co-exist with participation in the war effort, or did the war in fact expose the growing integration of the working classes into the nation, defusing their revolutionary potential? The chapter then examines how the anarchists’ varied attitudes to the national war effort largely determined their differing responses to the two Russian revolutions of 1917. It concludes that the failure of the movement to prevent the mobilisation of 1914 was a watershed for the French anarchist movement, provoking some profound soul-searching about the state of the movement and, specifically in relation to war, a much less ambitious attitude with regard to anti-militarist positions and tactics.

scholarly journals The danger lies in the drink. Early campaigns against alcohol abuse in Sweden

2002 ◽  
Vol 19 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 378-397
Author(s):  
Jenny Björkman
Keyword(s):  
Heavy Drinking ◽  
The State ◽  
Liberal State ◽  
Temperance Movement ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Know How ◽  
Good Citizen ◽  
Great Responsibility ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Good Behaviour

Between the 1850's and the 1920's the propaganda against alcohol changed in Sweden. At first the state was passive, but as time passed by the state took a great responsibility. In the 1920's almost all information about alcohol was sanctioned by the state. At the same time the strong temperance movement was involved in the propaganda. The message therefore was not only temperance but total sobriety. This connection to the temperance argument was however not debated. The school was early recognised as an ideal place to inform the young citizens about a good behaviour. The pupils should not only learn not to drink alcohol, they should also learn that abstention was the behaviour of a good citizen. In the school it was also easy to reach the children of the working classes. The working class was often regarded as the main problem. They drank more and the problem with a heavy drinking was greater among them. The gradually more intense information and propaganda can be connected to Nikolas Roses ideas about the advanced liberal state, where greater freedom is connected to more restrictions. In order to deserve democratic and liberal rights the citizens must know how to behave, which they learned in the temperence-education.

9. What’s in it for whom?

2020 ◽  
pp. 113-132
Author(s):  
Edward Craig
Keyword(s):  
Contract Theory ◽  
Karl Marx ◽  
The State ◽  
Simone De Beauvoir ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
The Individual

Most philosophy attempts to do something for somebody. ‘What’s in it for whom?’ looks again at Plato’s dialogues, unpacking early philosophical problems involving the individual, the state, and contract theory. Philosophy needs a large constituency to transform lives. We can see this in the example of the working classes (via Karl Marx, who was influenced by Hegel) and women (via the writings of Simone de Beauvoir). Even animals’ lives may have been affected for the better by a philosophy that promotes vegetarianism. Professional philosophers should avoid the temptation to write only puzzles for other thinkers and prioritize the issues of our time.

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