Entrepreneurs and Their Businesses during the Mexican Revolution

2012 ◽  
Vol 86 (4) ◽  
pp. 719-744 ◽  
Author(s):  
María del Carmen Collado
Keyword(s):  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
New Ventures ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Aspects ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Economic Issues ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Total Destruction ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Revolution

Most of the academic work on the Mexican Revolution (1910–1920) has focused on sociopolitical and military affairs; few scholars have considered the economic aspects of the period. Even though business historians know now that the Revolution did not bring generalized chaos or total destruction of manufacturing, we still need more research on economic issues. This article analyzes the evolution of the businesses of the Braniff family, as well as their involvement in politics once the regime of Porfirio Díaz collapsed. It examines the Braniffs' political ideas, their strategies to gain power, and their support of the political faction favorable to their interests. The article exposes the tactics the family used to guarantee the safety of their businesses, the losses they suffered, and the new ventures they made after the Revolution.

scholarly journals WHO FROM THE CHODECKI’S FAMILY REPRESENTED THE RUS’ VOIVODESHIPS ON THE SEJMS OF THE POLISH CROWN IN 1493–1533

2019 ◽  
pp. 43-49
Author(s):  
Yelyzaveta Piankova
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Family Needs ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The Family

This article is devoted to the members of the Chodecki family who were involved into the political life of the Polish Kingdom by representing Ruthenian voivodeships on the sejms at the end of the 15th — first third of the 16th centuries. It is also illustrated brother’s participation in the parliamentary activity, through the presence of Stanisław of Chodecz, who was the Grand Marshal of the Crown and attended at least thirteen sejms through the period of 1493–1533. For him, as one of the crown deputies, it was a chance to proceed with his experience of parliamentary activity and simultaneously vindicate his political ideas and personal family needs. Through the strong protection by the King sides another brother from the family, Otton of Chodcza, created an outstanding official career and as a senator from the Ruthenian Voivodeship participated four times on the sejms of the Crown. His success was extremely enlisted by other members of the family who have not done any advance neither at official careers nor at the parliamentary practices but were trying to use families position through the sejm sessions in order to solve their own deals. I have also found out that two brothers of the noble kin were attending twenty-eight of the Crown sejms hearing which is accounting for sixty-three per cent of parliamentary action of the whole Kingdom at that time.

When did Francisco I. Madero Decide on Revolution?

1974 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 529-532 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerry W. Knudson
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Ciudad Juarez ◽  
News Story ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Difficult Question ◽  
Written Questions ◽  
The Revolution

A surprisingly frank letter from Francisco I. Madero, political figurehead of the Mexican Revolution of 1910, to New York publisher William Randolph Hearst casts new light on the difficult question of when Madero finally opted for revolution to topple the 35-year dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz (1876-1911).The letter was dated April 25, 1911, when Madero was with insurrectionary troops fighting at Ciudad Juárez. It contained Madero's responses to some written questions on his role in the Revolution submitted by Hearst through Sonunerfield, an American consular official in Mexico. Madero's answers were to form the basis for a news story in the Hearst newspapers.

The Mexican Revolution, 1910–1946

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jürgen Buchenau
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Central State ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Significant Achievement ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Political Realignment ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

The Mexican Revolution was the first major social revolution of the 20th century. Its causes included, among others, the authoritarian rule of dictator Porfirio Díaz, the seizure of millions of acres of indigenous village lands by wealthy hacendados and foreign investors, and the growing divide between the rich and the poor. As a result of these varied causes and Mexico’s strong social and regional divisions, the revolution against Díaz lacked ideological focus. The revolutionaries ousted Díaz within six months but could not agree on the new social and political order and—after a failed attempt at democracy—ended up fighting among themselves in a bitter civil war. In 1917, the victorious Constitutionalist faction crafted a landmark constitution, the first in the world to enshrine social rights and limit the rights of private, and particularly foreign capital. Although never fully implemented and partially repealed in the 1990s, the document remains the most significant achievement of the revolution. After 1920, a succession of revolutionary generals gradually centralized political power until the election of a civilian presidential candidate in 1946. This effort at state building confronted significant resistance from popular groups, regional warlords, and disaffected leaders who had lost out in the political realignment. In the end, the symbolic significance of the revolution exceeded its political and social outcomes. While fundamentally agrarian in nature, the revolution thus ultimately produced a new national elite that gradually restored a strong central state. One can easily divide the revolution into a military (1910–1917) and a reconstructive phase (1917–1946). However, the latter phase witnessed an important generational shift that transferred political power from the leaders of the military phase to their subordinates as well as civilian representatives, with the formation of a revolutionary ruling party in 1929 serving as the most important watershed moment in this process. Therefore, this essay distinguishes among three separate phases: insurrection and civil war (1910–1917); reconstruction (1917–1929); and institutionalization (1929–1946).

The Climate of Conflict: Politico-environmental Press Coverage and the Eruption of the Mexican Revolution, 1907–1911

2019 ◽  
Vol 99 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-499
Author(s):  
Mikael D. Wolfe
Keyword(s):  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Press Coverage ◽  
Climatological Data ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Environmental Press ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Historical Climatology ◽  
Climatic Information ◽  
The Revolution

Abstract This article combines the insights of historical climatology and analysis of press coverage to reexamine the agrarian origins of the Mexican Revolution from 1907 to 1911. Using a collection of hundreds of articles from dozens of newspapers, contemporary meteorological and agricultural bulletins, government correspondence, secondary works, and recent historical climatological data, I argue that environmental dynamics and political processes were intertwined in the four years preceding the revolution. Specifically, I contend that politico-environmental press coverage of drought and frost based on incomplete or misleading regional climatic information strongly influenced the government's relief measures and thereby exacerbated the acute economic and political crises that led to the ouster of the dictator Porfirio Díaz. By analyzing these understudied climate-society dynamics surrounding the Mexican Revolution, the article's aim is to expand understanding of the significance of these dynamics as well as to incorporate the Mexican case into the global historiography on climate and rebellion.

Crossing Borders to Rebirth the Nation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela González
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Feminist Consciousness ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter discusses how the life and work of Leonor Villegas de Magnón exemplify the transnational political roles some women as fronterizas played during the Mexican Revolution. Transborder activists saw in the revolution the opportunity to stretch the boundaries of nation and, for women, opportunities to expand traditional constructions of gender. Villegas de Magnón’s maternalism was part of feminist consciousness that informed some of the political practices within the transborder political culture. She promoted her bold ideas in ways her male associates, including the rebel Venustiano Carranza, may have found nonthreatening. She believed that both men and women, not just women, were responsible for improving conditions in society for everyone.

Political Democracy and the Mexican Constitutionalists: A Re-Examination

1977 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-89
Author(s):  
Richard Roman
Keyword(s):  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Democracy ◽  
Economic Nationalism ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Mass Participation ◽  
Military Victory ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Realm

The Mexican Constitutional Congress of 1916-1917 represents in many respects a culmination of the struggle begun before 1910 against the dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz. The Constitutional Congress was not only a culmination of the violent phase of the Mexican Revolution. It also involved a codification, if not a crystallization, of goals and perspectives that either pre-date 1910 or emerged during the struggles of 1910-1917. These struggles involved competing mobilizations within the Revolutionary coalition and, finally, a civil war within the Revolution between the forces of the Convention (the unstable coalition between the Zapatistas and the Villistas) and those of the Constitutionalists. The Constitutional Congress takes place after the military victory of the Constitutionalists and delegate eligibility was restricted to those who had actively supported the Constitutionalists. The radical economic nationalism and other innovative features of the Constitution have captured the attention of commentators. While the interpretation of the economic nationalism and other features remains the subject of considerable dispute, the notion that the Constitutionalists had a democratizing thrust in the political realm has remained unchallenged. Our analysis of both the articles and, more importantly, the debates at the Constitutional Congress leads us to challenge the premise of a democratizing impulse. This is not to say that the Constitutionalist delegates were for dictatorship, but it is to suggest that compared to the Constitution of 1857, the Constitutionalists do not emerge as radical democrats but as elitists that are fearful of mass participation as well as fearful of the possibility of a new dictatorship. We will examine the debates on four issues for this purpose: (A) suffrage; (B) literacy requirements to serve as a Deputy (member of Congress); (C) directness of electing officials; (D) no re-election.

Seasons of Rebellion: Nature, Organisation of Cotton Production and the Dynamics of Revolution in La Laguna, Mexico, 1910–1916

1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
WILLIAM K. MEYERS
Keyword(s):  
Working Conditions ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Cotton Production ◽  
National Politics ◽  
North Central ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
The North ◽  
Ebb And Flow ◽  
The Revolution

Throughout the Mexican Revolution, the ebb and flow of conflict in the north-central Laguna region (see Map 1) fed directly into the mainstream of national politics. From 1900, the Laguna's workers and peasants expressed economic and social discontent through insubordination, theft, banditry and sporadic – sometimes organised – demands for better wages and working conditions. Following the lead of a discontented, highly competitive and fractious landholding elite, they were among the first to revolt against the Porfirio Díaz government and continued to influence the direction of the revolution as the region was alternately fought over and administered by each of the north's principal factions. The ultimate triumph of any faction in the revolution required control of Mexico's north, and that required controlling the Laguna.

Political Ideas and Political Struggle of the Pre-Revolutionary Russian Clergy (The Case of the Ryazan Diocese)

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 125-159
Author(s):  
Hegumen Vitaliy (I.N. Utkin)
Keyword(s):  
Teaching Experience ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Political Views ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Revolution

This article, written using the materials of Ryazan diocesan press, studies the history of the formation of political ideas and the political struggle of pre-revolutionary Russian clergy. In the process of forming separate spiritual estate and system of the rationalized Latin-speaking spiritual education within the Russian Empire, the clergy becomes one of the forces modernizing the country, while perceiving itself as the enlightener and the civilizer of people. The state saw the clergy as petty officials, but the clergy were not willing to accept this role. During the creation of elementary school in the system of the Ministry of State Property, the clergy strengthened their social position and acquired many years of teaching experience. The liberal nobility feared that the clergy would take the lead in rural life by alienating the landlords. Zemstvos begin to fight to push the clergy away from the peasants, squeezing the clergy out of schools. At the same time, churches start opening schools en masse. The clergy enters a political struggle with the liberal gentry. Church periodicals began to appear, shaping the political stance of the clergy. The clergy sees itself as a separate politicum, which can be higher than zemstvos as all-empowerment bodies. Diocesan congresses, as well as district and parochial assemblies start appearing as a means of unification and consolidation of the clergy.The necessity of intra-church democracy, while ignoring the canonical role of the bishop and mass media's leading role, becomes a dominant idea in the clergy's life until the Revolution of 1917. These democratic representations in the Ryazan diocesan press were not called “sobornost” anymore but were political in nature. For utilitarian purposes, the state power supported such aspirations of the clergy during the 1912 election campaign to the State Duma. The clergy had the opportunity to realize their political views during the February Revolution of 1917 and fully supported it. Diocesan bishops were expelled, each parish was considered as a separate “local church”. The clergy sought to remain unelected and beyond the control of the parishioners, although they themselves insisted on electing diocesan bishops. However, parishioners turned their backs on their pastors. Some clergy were expelled from parishes, others limited the level of fees for services. Representatives of the laity and lower clergy drove the clergy out of elected parish and diocesan authorities. As the revolution developed and the country descended into chaos, the clergy, who had taken part in these processes, did not accept their share of responsibility for what was happening; on the contrary — they blamed the “ignorant” people for the church trials.

scholarly journals Prison Letters of Ricardo Flores Magon to Lilly Sarnoff

1977 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-422
Author(s):  
Paul Avrich
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
Theoretical Basis ◽  
Baja California ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Early Stages ◽  
The One ◽  
Partido Liberal Mexicano ◽  
The Revolution

The career of Ricardo Flores Magón, the foremost Mexican anarchist of the twentieth century, involves a curious paradox. On the one hand, he must be counted among the leading inspirers and martyrs of the Mexican Revolution. His movement, embodied in the Partido Liberal Mexicano, set in motion the forces that, in May 1911, drove Porfirio Díaz into exile; and his journal, Regeneración, which in the early stages of the Revolution reached a circulation of nearly 30,000, played an important part in rousing Mexican laborers, rural as well as urban, against the Díaz dictatorship and in pushing the Revolution in a more egalitarian direction than it might otherwise have taken. Under the banner of “Land and Liberty”, the Magonista revolt of 1911 in Baja California established short-lived revolutionary communes at Mexicali and Tijuana, having for their theoretical basis Kropotkin's Conquest of Bread, a work which Flores Magón regarded as a kind of anarchist bible and which his followers distributed in thousands of copies. Today the memory of Flores Magón is honored throughout Mexico. His remains rest in the Rotunda of Illustrious Men in Mexico City. In all parts of the country streets and squares bear his name, and Mexicans pay him homage as a great “precursor” of their Revolution, which was one of the major social upheavals of the twentieth century.

The Mexican Revolution and the Cartoon

1967 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Alba
Keyword(s):  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Considerable Influence ◽  
The Revolution

The cartoon had a considerable influence on the political life of Mexico in the period immediately prior to the Revolution. This influence continues in contemporary Mexico, but with a completely different character. This brief essay proposes to examine the causes of this change of attitude in the Mexican cartoon, for its measure reflects the transformation of the country. To do this, let us begin with a summary analysis of the nature of the cartoon in independent Mexico.

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