Princeps Merciorum gentis: the family, career and connections of Ælfhere, ealdorman of Mercia, 956–83

1981 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 143-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Williams

Ælfhere, ealdorman of Mercia from 956 to 983, is not an immediately familiar figure. Yet he was one of the most powerful men in the political life of his day. The author of the Vita Oswaldi was in no doubt of his importance in the disturbances which followed the death of Edgar:

2019 ◽  
pp. 43-49
Author(s):  
Yelyzaveta Piankova

This article is devoted to the members of the Chodecki family who were involved into the political life of the Polish Kingdom by representing Ruthenian voivodeships on the sejms at the end of the 15th — first third of the 16th centuries. It is also illustrated brother’s participation in the parliamentary activity, through the presence of Stanisław of Chodecz, who was the Grand Marshal of the Crown and attended at least thirteen sejms through the period of 1493–1533. For him, as one of the crown deputies, it was a chance to proceed with his experience of parliamentary activity and simultaneously vindicate his political ideas and personal family needs. Through the strong protection by the King sides another brother from the family, Otton of Chodcza, created an outstanding official career and as a senator from the Ruthenian Voivodeship participated four times on the sejms of the Crown. His success was extremely enlisted by other members of the family who have not done any advance neither at official careers nor at the parliamentary practices but were trying to use families position through the sejm sessions in order to solve their own deals. I have also found out that two brothers of the noble kin were attending twenty-eight of the Crown sejms hearing which is accounting for sixty-three per cent of parliamentary action of the whole Kingdom at that time.


1994 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 641-670 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Foster

This article demonstrates the radical character of Locke's attack on patriarchalism in the TwoTreatises of Government, in part by showing that that attack implies the rejection of the natural and divine order to which patriarchalism appealed to justify itself. In this way, Locke's attack on patriarchalism, which prepared the way for his individualistic liberal politics, is also shown to be an important part of his solution to the political problem of religion. Special attention is given to Locke's disagreement with the Bible concerning the family and its place in political life.


1969 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 413-441 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon J. Schochet

It is increasingly becoming a commonplace to assert that non-political activities engaged in during childhood play determinative roles in shaping individuals' attitudes toward and perceptions of the political order. A large part of this early ‘political socialization’, as it is now called, takes place within the family, which, in the words of one commentator, ‘incubates the political man’, whether or not there is a conscious attempt to inculcate political beliefs. As T. D. Weldon remarked, ‘Basic political creeds may not be actually imbibed … with mother's milk: but children are none the less indoctrinated in practically every other way.’ This socialization plus later experiences (including reading, conversations, and direct encounters with government) will help to implant notions of political legitimacy; that is, the grounds on which a political authority is held to be entitled to rule. Legitimacy and the consequent public acceptance of government are among the very foundations upon which politics rests. In the words of David Easton,If a government…is to be capable of performing its tasks, the member of the [particular political] system must be prepared to support the particular norms and structures that organize the way in which all political activities are performed. That is, they must be willing to support the 'constitutional order' or regime. Hence, we are identifying the fundamental rules of the game, as they are often described, regulating participation in political life and the particular way of organizing political power in a given society.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 812-813
Author(s):  
Frederick M. Dolan

Michael J. Shapiro reflects on “the politics of the family” from the point of view of an outlook on political life inspired by “genealogy,” an approach originated by Friedrich Nietzsche and refined by Michel Foucault. Although Shapiro would not characterize it quite in these terms, that outlook is roughly as follows. Ideas about political regimes are typically governed by the values of unity, agreement, or consensus. But that is highly misleading. A consideration of how political concepts and institutions come into being (that is, a genealogy of the political, as opposed to a theorization of it) leads to a picture in which disagreement and conflict are as central as consensus and harmony. Words like “authority,” “democracy,” and “freedom” are continually redefined as people put them to different uses in changing contexts of conflict and interpretation. What they are thought to mean at any given moment will be an incomplete, contested, and on the whole incoherent echo of actual usage. Individuals, too, shape their outlooks by means of clashing and contradictory desires, norms, and perspectives. For this reason, the goals and beliefs that move any actually existing political regime (and any given individual) will typically be ill defined, ambiguous, and amenable to additional equivocation and conflict.


Author(s):  
Jennifer Davey

Throughout her political career, Mary politicized the space around her, particularly her family homes. The chapter examines how Mary used the home as a political tool. It explores her political entertaining at Hatfield House as Marchioness of Salisbury, examining the influential role she played in political life during the late 1850s and early 1860s. Using the parliamentary debates that foreshadowed the Second Reform Act of 1867 as a backdrop, this chapter goes on to explore the symbiosis between the political space Mary constructed and the agenda of the national polity. This analysis is further developed by a consideration of how Mary used the family home for political purposes during her second marriage. Throughout, Mary’s use of political space is understood as an expression of her agency and ideology, rather than the physical manifestation of the obligation she felt as a wife.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-114
Author(s):  
Włodzimierz Kaczorowski

Jan Orzelski was actively involved in the political life of the Republic of the Nobles as a member of a regional assembly, a deputy and next a senator. He recorded the history of his family in the work entitled Annales domus Orzelsciae. It was edited by Adam Tytus Działyński on the basis of a manuscript stored in the Kórnik Library together with a family diary Kopia pobożnej pamięci imci Elżbiety Orzelskiej. Annales… consists of two parts: a comprehensive introduction and a chronicle containing annual entries regarding the most important events in Jan Orzelski’s family in the years 1589–1611 (that period being extended to 1618 by adding the diary Kopia pobożnej pamięci…). Much focus in the first part of the Annales... was placed on Stefan Batory’s military campaigns to conquer Polotsk (1579), Velikiye Luki (1580) and Pskov (1581), in which Jan Orzelski took part as a cavalry captain. The author’s intention, however, was not to describe those military campaigns in detail but to present “only some memorable issues”. The Annales... depicts, first of all, the origins of the “family from Orle”, the history and the characteristics of the family members in the male line. The author included his biography as well.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 49-66
Author(s):  
Illia Chedoluma

Caricature journals in the interwar period had a special genre niche, giving the masses, through funny cartoons, a simplified understanding of internal and external political processes. Zyz and Komar were the largest Ukrainian satirical humor journals in interwar Galicia. They mainly covered the internal political life in the Second Polish Republic and international relationships. These journals are primarily intended for people from the countryside, and the editors and owners of these journals used anti-Semitism for the political mobilization of the rural population. I use elements of Serge Moscovici’s theory of social representations to track these processes. A key aspect here is how the image of the Rudnytskyi family was shaped on the pages of these journals. The family was of mixed Ukrainian-Jewish origins, and its members became prominent figures in various spheres of Ukrainian social and political life in interwar Galician Ukrainian society (in politics, literature, music, and the women’s movement). The behavior of the Rudnytskyi family was explained to the readers through their Jewish origins. Zyz and Komar both created an image of the Rudnytskyis as an integral Jewish group occupying different spheres of Ukrainian life. The study of visual caricature images thus enables us to explore the channels of the formation and spread of anti-Semitic images of Jews and the use of the image of “the Jew” in the Galician Ukrainian society in interwar Poland.


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.


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