scholarly journals Post-national urbanity beyond (pluri)nation(al) states in the EU: Benchmarking Scotland, Catalonia, and the Basque Country

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 19-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Igor Calzada ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Basque Country ◽  
The Eu

Regional competence: changing patterns of the Basque regionalism in the EU

2011 ◽  
pp. 239-263
Author(s):  
Karolina BORONSKA-HRYNIEWIECKA
Keyword(s):  
Basque Country ◽  
Regional Studies ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Active Player ◽  
European Governance ◽  
Changing Patterns ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
Pais Vasco ◽  
Supranational Level ◽  
The Eu

LABURPENA: Artikulu honek, Euskadi adibidetzat hartuta, gaur egungo nazioz azpiko erregionalismoaren izaera aldakorra aztertzen du. Eta erakusten du euskal eskualde-estrategien bilakaera, eta nola lehengo jarrera probintziaren aldekoa bazen eta elkarren arteko lehia bultzatzen bazuen, oraingoa, berriz, irekia, kooperatiboa eta berritzailea dela, hobeto moldatzen dena Europako gobernantza-modu berrietara. Gaur egungo eskualde-ikerketek eskaintzen dituzten tresna teorikoak oinarri hartuta, artikulu honek euskal erregionalismotik sortzen den jarrera hibridoa aztertzen du. Horren osagaiak berriak, postmodernoak eta nazioz haraindikoak dira, eta eskualdearen ahalmen ekonomiko, politiko eta soziala indartzeko eta Europako kontuetan jokalari aktibo izateko balio dute. Europar Batasuneko eskualdeestrategien norabideak garrantzi berezia dauka Europan sortu den maila anitzeko gobernantza dela-eta, zeinetan agintea gobernu zentraletatik aldendu baita: gorantz, nazioz gaindiko mailara; beherantz, nazioz azpiko jurisdikzioetara; eta alboetara, estatu ez direnen sare publiko eta pribatuetara, eta horrek aukera berriak eskaini dizkie erregionalistei antzeko helburuak lortzeko. RESUMEN: Este articulo analiza la naturaleza cambiante del regionalismo subnacional contemporaneo a traves del ejemplo del Pais Vasco. Muestra de que maneras las estrategias regionales vascas han evolucionado desde un aspecto provincial y de confrontacion a uno abierto, cooperativo e innovador, que se adapta a las nuevas formas de gobernanza europea. A partir de los instrumentos teoricos ofrecidos por los estudios regionales contemporaneos este articulo explora el tipo hibrido que emerge del regionalismo vasco que consiste en componentes nuevos, postmodernos y transnacionales que sirven para fortalecer la competencia economica, politica y social de la region como un jugador activo en los asuntos europeos. La cuestion de la direccion de las estrategias regionalistas en la Union Europea resulta especialmente sobresaliente a la vista de la gobernanza multinivel europea emergente donde el poder ha sido apartado de los gobiernos centrales: hacia arriba al nivel supranacional, hacia abajo a las jurisdicciones subnacionales y a los costados a las redes publicas y privadas de los actores no estatales que ha dado a los regionalistas nuevas posibilidades de alcanzar similares objetivos. ABSTRACT: This paper analyses the changing nature of the contemporary subnational regionalism through the example of the Basque Country. It shows in what ways the Basque regionalist strategies have evolved from parochial and confrontational to outward looking, cooperative and innovative, adapting to the challenges of European integration and the emergence of new modes of European governance. On the basis of theoretical tools provided by contemporary regional studies this paper explores the emerging hybrid type of Basque regionalism consisting of the new, postmodern and transnational components which serve to strenghten the economic, political and social competence of the region as an active player in European affairs. The question of the direction of regionalist strategies in the EU seems especially salient in the view of the emerging European multi-level governance where power has been dispersed away from central governments; upwards to the supranational level, downwards to subnational jurisdictions and sideways to public and private networks of non-state actors which has given the regionalists new possibilities of achieving similar goals.

Multilingual and bilingual communication in law and power: access, identity and trust

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-83
Author(s):  
Joxerramon Bengoetxea
Keyword(s):  
Legal Status ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Basque Country ◽  
Salient Feature ◽  
Institutional Setting ◽  
Linguistic Identity ◽  
User Perspective ◽  
Special Adaptation ◽  
Official Languages ◽  
The Eu

Abstract This article develops a user perspective, applied both to law as discourse and normative practical reason - law, religion - and to linguistic communication. In multilingual contexts, this perspective requires special adaptation, because the communities of users may use different languages for the creation of new norms, and for their judicial interpretation and application. The possibilities for contesting meaning are enhanced where multilingual normative communication is involved. Important consequences then follow as regards legislative drafting, statutory interpretation and multilingual contexts of conflict-resolution. The EU is the classical multilingual institutional setting where these ideas are tested. Although in the EU only those languages that are official or co-official at the level of the Member State are immediately recognised as official languages, the EU operates as a genuine multilingual system of law, the most impressive official multilingualism in the world. Discourses exploring the EU’s political identity tend to see this multilingualism as an obstacle to the development of a demos rather than a salient feature of its multicultural and federal-like Constitution. This paradox is compared to the linguistic identity of the Basque Country, which is analysed in its different territories from the legal and sociolinguistic perspectives, where the legal status of Basque is subordinated to the official language regime of France and Spain.

Who learns what from whom? Implementing gender mainstreaming in multi-level settings

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 174-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alba Alonso
Keyword(s):  
Gender Inequality ◽  
Basque Country ◽  
Policy Transfer ◽  
Balearic Islands ◽  
Gender Mainstreaming ◽  
Good Practices ◽  
Spanish Regions ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
Lesson Drawing ◽  
The Eu

With obstacles at various levels of government, multi-level settings provide complex challenges for the implementation of gender mainstreaming. Policy transfer appears to hold some explanatory potential in these sorts of contexts; scholarship however, still tends to focus on single sources of influence – either European or domestic – and potentially misses the broader picture. This article revisits the classic question of who learns what from whom by addressing the implementation of gender mainstreaming in research policies in the Spanish regions through the lens of policy transfer. Measures to tackle gender inequality in science have been developed at the EU, state and regional levels, thus enabling the three regions studied here – Galicia, the Basque Country and the Balearic Islands – to ‘borrow’ good practices from different layers of government. This article suggests that more nuanced frameworks, recognizing that multi-level settings are potential sites for complex lesson-drawing processes, are likely to offer greater explanatory depth.

scholarly journals La postura de la Unión Europea frente al separatismo en Cataluña

2021 ◽  
pp. 65-75
Author(s):  
A. V. Makarycheva
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Member State ◽  
Basque Country ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Religious Traditions ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
European Values ◽  
Independent States ◽  
Other World ◽  
The Eu

Secessionist sentiments are more common for the European Union than for other world regions. This tendency takes place to a large extent because of a crisis in the European values and religious traditions, and new priorities. Catalonia, as well as the Basque Country, tries to hold a direct dialogue with Brussels bypassing Madrid, which is accompanied with numerous difficulties: a discontent and warnings on the part of the official government of Spain, the necessity for the European Union to take into consideration the position of its member-state and many others. Despite the fact that regions started to play a more significant role in the European Union agenda, it still continues to follow the policy of a cautious attitude towards the autonomy separatism. Moreover, the EU tries to limit capabilities of the further existence and development of autonomies as independent states by institutional means. In addition, after the separation, a state is not yet a member of the European Union – it has to create new currency, it faces some economic problems. Given all these factors, autonomies will think twice before organizing a referendum, which is also difficult to hold, because it contradicts the Constitution of Spain.

scholarly journals Kosovo-Spain Relations and the Dilemmas on the Problem of Non-Recognition

SEEU Review ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-90
Author(s):  
Pol Vila Sarriá ◽  
Agon Demjaha
Keyword(s):  
Basque Country ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Internal Dynamics ◽  
Declaration Of Independence ◽  
Unilateral Declaration ◽  
Desk Research ◽  
Political Decisions ◽  
The Eu

Abstract Eleven years after Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence, Spain’s position vis-à-vis Kosovo has not only not varied, but it has become stronger, turning Madrid into the leader of the Kosovo non recognizers club within the EU. This paper analyses Kosovo-Spain relations in the last eleven years. More specifically, the paper examines the reasons behind the non-recognition of Kosovo and the approach of the Spanish governments toward Kosovo’s statehood. This is followed by a thorough analysis on how Kosovo’s path for self-determination played a major role in Catalonia’s quest for independence in 2017. The empirical research demonstrates that Spain’s main reason not to recognise Kosovo is based on the country’s internal dynamics; namely, Catalonia and the Basque country. Likewise, the paper argues that the Spanish governments throughout the last eleven years have created an analogy between Kosovo and Catalonia; not in their political statements, but in their political decisions, by worsening the almost inexistent diplomatic relations with Kosovo, when the Catalan path for independence was at its highest peak. By the same token, the paper reveals that this position was enhanced and driven by Catalan separatism, that continuously used Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence as a model to further their own path for self-determination. The data provided and analysed in this paper as well as the statements made are based on desk research and seven semi-structured interviews conducted in Prishtina, Brussels, Madrid and Barcelona in 2018.

scholarly journals FACTORS OF CENTRIFUGAL POLITICAL TENDENCIES IN SPAIN: A QUALITATIVE COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-56
Author(s):  
Ju. А. Belous ◽  
◽  
A. S. Tarasov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Basque Country ◽  
Qualitative Comparative Analysis ◽  
Autonomous Communities ◽  
Regional Language ◽  
Loss Of Autonomy ◽  
Level Of Economic Development ◽  
High Level ◽  
The Eu

The purpose of this article is to analyze the centrifugal tendencies in 17 Autonomous Communities of Spain by demonstrating that certain differences in the configurations of factors have led to varying degrees of the loss of autonomy. The main conclusion is that for the configurations leading to less autonomy, there is a low level of economic development, a low volume of EU funding, and an absence of local languages as a factor of identity. The cases of Andalusia, Asturias, and Galicia are of particular importance in these configurations. For the configurations that lead to greater autonomy, two patterns are identified. The first group (Catalonia and the Basque Country) demonstrates a link between centrifugal tendencies and three conditions: the existence of regionalist parties in the parliaments of Autonomous Communities (AC), a high level of economic development and a high level of identification with a regional language. The second group of cases (Valencia and the Canary Islands) demonstrates the added importance of funding under the EU regional policy programs for the period from 2014 to 2020. The scientific novelty of the article lies in its analysis of the dynamics of centrifugal tendencies in Spain via crisp-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (csQCA).

scholarly journals The gains from economic integration*

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (98) ◽  
pp. 201-266
Author(s):  
David Comerford ◽  
José V Rodríguez Mora
Keyword(s):  
Causal Effect ◽  
Basque Country ◽  
Trade Integration ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Border Effect ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Current State ◽  
Order Of Magnitude ◽  
Levels Of Integration ◽  
The Eu

Summary This paper measures the effect of political integration, such as sharing a national state or economic union, on the degree of trade integration. Consistently with previous work, we find large border effects. However, such estimates may be biased and overestimate the effects of borders because of endogeneity: selection into sharing a political space is correlated with affinities for trade. We propose a method to address this and we produce estimates which are closer to the causal effect. We then conduct speculative exercises showing the costs and benefits of the changing levels of integration associated with: the independence of Scotland, Catalonia and the Basque Country from the United Kingdom and Spain [but remaining within the European Union (EU)]; the United Kingdom’s exit from the EU; the break-up of the EU itself and closer integration within the EU so that its internal borders appear similar to the internal borders of individual countries (as opposed to its current state of being simply a closely integrated group of countries). We find that the border effect between countries is an order of magnitude larger than the border effect associated with the EU.

EU regional policy as a factor for decentralization in Spain. Basque Country case

2021 ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Yulia Belous
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Regional Policy ◽  
Scientific Literature ◽  
Basque Country ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
Scientific Significance ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

The article is devoted to the analysis of the factors of decentralization in Spain on the example of the Basque Country. Particular attention is paid to the factor of European integration and the EU regional policy in the political development of Spain. The purpose of this article is to consider the resources for decentralization in Spain with a focus on European integration (in particular, the EU regional policy). The first part of the article proposes a research methodology. The second examines some of the factors of decentralization offered by the scientific literature. The third part of the article reveals the features of the «three-tier» model of regional policy in Spain and the indicators of the EU regional policy effectiveness. The fourth part examines the experience of the Basque Country in the European integration, in particular, the EU's regional policy. Referring to the database of the «Manifesto» project, the author comes to the conclusion that connection between the processes of decentralization in the Basque Country and European integration can be manifested in the texts of the electoral programs of the Basque Nationalist Party. The scientific significance of the article is to analyze the impact of European integration on the processes of decentralization in Spain via the data of the «Manifesto» project.

scholarly journals La readmisión de extranjeros en situación irregular entre Estados miembros: consecuencias empírico-jurídicas de la gestión policial de las fronteras internas | The Readmission of Irregular Foreigner Within European Member States: Socio-Legal Consequences of a Police Management of The Internal Borders

2017 ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Iker Barbero González
Keyword(s):  
Basque Country ◽  
Police Management ◽  
Member States ◽  
Detention Centre ◽  
Police Station ◽  
The People ◽  
Pais Vasco ◽  
Legal Consequences ◽  
The Eu

Resumen: La comisaría de Policía Nacional de Irun, ciudad situada en la frontera entre los Estados españoles y franceses, en comparación con otras comisarías de la Comunidad Autónoma del País Vasco, tiene los datos más altos de arrestos de extranjeros en situación irregular. Aunque es común encontrar controles policiales cerca del entorno fronterizo esto choca con la idea de eliminación de fronteras en el Unión Europea. El lugar donde estaba la barrera fronteriza ha sido ocupada por un peaje de automóviles construido con una estructura muy particular: con cámara de vigilancia, con garitas para policías, etc. El 70% de las personas detenidas en el Centro de Detención francés de Hendaia en 2015 fueron capturadas en la frontera. Además, los datos de readmisión fronteriza entre los dos estados, en virtud de un acuerdo firmado en 2002, son algo contundentes: 1500 personas han sido expulsadas de media anual (6.000 a lo largo de la frontera).  Este estudio de caso de la frontera hispano-francesa pretende ser un estudio exploratorio de una temática desatendida: las fronteras internas. La regulación en estas áreas es diversa. Muchas excepciones y especificidades se aplican, paralelamente o alternativamente a las normas ordinarias de inmigración de los Estados miembro. Teniendo en cuenta todo esto, tenemos que repensar el imaginario de una Europa sin fronteras que se afirma en el Acuerdo de Schengen. Las fronteras interiores de la UE nunca han desaparecido sino mutado en un modelo de gestión policial de las fronteras internas Abstract: The police station in Irun, a town on the border between the Spanish and French States compared to other police stations in the Basque Country has the highest data of arrests of foreigners in irregular situation is concerned. It is normal, since it is common to find identity police controls near the border surroundings. The place where the border barrier was once was occupied by a car toll constructed with a very particular structure: as a border, with cabins for police men. In addition, the data of border readmission between these two states, under an agreement signed in 2002, is something to look at with special attention: 6.000 people deportaed along the Northen border. 70% of the people detained in the French Detention Centre of Hendaia in 2015 were caught at the border. This case study of the Spanish-French border will put some light in a disregarded topic and object: the internal borders. Regulation in these areas is diverse. Many exceptions and specificities apply, parallel or alternatively to the ordinary immigration rules, as a matter of exception of the Law. Considering all this we need to rethink the imaginary of a borderless Europe stated by the Schengen agreement. Following Balibar in “What is a border?” (2005) the controls multiplied all along the territory as a kaleidoscopic vision. The EU internal borders never disappeared but mutated into a police managed modelo of internal borders.

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