Regional competence: changing patterns of the Basque regionalism in the EU

Author(s):  
Karolina BORONSKA-HRYNIEWIECKA

LABURPENA: Artikulu honek, Euskadi adibidetzat hartuta, gaur egungo nazioz azpiko erregionalismoaren izaera aldakorra aztertzen du. Eta erakusten du euskal eskualde-estrategien bilakaera, eta nola lehengo jarrera probintziaren aldekoa bazen eta elkarren arteko lehia bultzatzen bazuen, oraingoa, berriz, irekia, kooperatiboa eta berritzailea dela, hobeto moldatzen dena Europako gobernantza-modu berrietara. Gaur egungo eskualde-ikerketek eskaintzen dituzten tresna teorikoak oinarri hartuta, artikulu honek euskal erregionalismotik sortzen den jarrera hibridoa aztertzen du. Horren osagaiak berriak, postmodernoak eta nazioz haraindikoak dira, eta eskualdearen ahalmen ekonomiko, politiko eta soziala indartzeko eta Europako kontuetan jokalari aktibo izateko balio dute. Europar Batasuneko eskualdeestrategien norabideak garrantzi berezia dauka Europan sortu den maila anitzeko gobernantza dela-eta, zeinetan agintea gobernu zentraletatik aldendu baita: gorantz, nazioz gaindiko mailara; beherantz, nazioz azpiko jurisdikzioetara; eta alboetara, estatu ez direnen sare publiko eta pribatuetara, eta horrek aukera berriak eskaini dizkie erregionalistei antzeko helburuak lortzeko. RESUMEN: Este articulo analiza la naturaleza cambiante del regionalismo subnacional contemporaneo a traves del ejemplo del Pais Vasco. Muestra de que maneras las estrategias regionales vascas han evolucionado desde un aspecto provincial y de confrontacion a uno abierto, cooperativo e innovador, que se adapta a las nuevas formas de gobernanza europea. A partir de los instrumentos teoricos ofrecidos por los estudios regionales contemporaneos este articulo explora el tipo hibrido que emerge del regionalismo vasco que consiste en componentes nuevos, postmodernos y transnacionales que sirven para fortalecer la competencia economica, politica y social de la region como un jugador activo en los asuntos europeos. La cuestion de la direccion de las estrategias regionalistas en la Union Europea resulta especialmente sobresaliente a la vista de la gobernanza multinivel europea emergente donde el poder ha sido apartado de los gobiernos centrales: hacia arriba al nivel supranacional, hacia abajo a las jurisdicciones subnacionales y a los costados a las redes publicas y privadas de los actores no estatales que ha dado a los regionalistas nuevas posibilidades de alcanzar similares objetivos. ABSTRACT: This paper analyses the changing nature of the contemporary subnational regionalism through the example of the Basque Country. It shows in what ways the Basque regionalist strategies have evolved from parochial and confrontational to outward looking, cooperative and innovative, adapting to the challenges of European integration and the emergence of new modes of European governance. On the basis of theoretical tools provided by contemporary regional studies this paper explores the emerging hybrid type of Basque regionalism consisting of the new, postmodern and transnational components which serve to strenghten the economic, political and social competence of the region as an active player in European affairs. The question of the direction of regionalist strategies in the EU seems especially salient in the view of the emerging European multi-level governance where power has been dispersed away from central governments; upwards to the supranational level, downwards to subnational jurisdictions and sideways to public and private networks of non-state actors which has given the regionalists new possibilities of achieving similar goals.

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-14
Author(s):  
Roger A. Layton ◽  
Christine Domegan

Pandemics, climate warming, growing inequality, and much more bring crises that change the patterns of daily life in human communities, directly impacting the provisioning systems that form in a community to meet the needs and wants of individuals, groups, and entities for goods, services, experiences, ideas. Provisioning systems sometimes begin as leadership initiated top-down, authoritarian prescriptive supply networks, public and private. Sometimes, they originate as bottom-up, self-organized, innovative, open choice, often informal, exchange based networks, and mostly, over time, they emerge as untidy self-organized multi-level diverse assemblages of both. The diversity of provisioning systems in a community enables crisis resilience, but limits efficiency and control. The provisioning systems that form in these ways are complex, multi-level, non-linear evolutionary systems, often unpredictable, and lacking direction. Balancing a desire for stability and an appetite for diversity, innovation, and change in shaping a provisioning system is like walking a narrow corridor on the edge of chaos. Achieving balance, avoiding slipping into chaos, rests on the management of a set of complex social mechanisms. These embrace delivery mechanisms where value is produced and consumed through complex infrastructures; stakeholder action fields where trust, collaboration, cooperation, compromise, competition, or conflict are in play; technology evolution mechanisms where innovation and the recombination of existing technologies occur at all levels; and value exchange fields where community and individual values shift in response to crisis and change. Recovery from crisis is not an event, it is a complex, continuing process, often unpredictable, often unequal in outcomes, but walking a narrow corridor is episodic, uncertain and in the end possible. This is the next normal for marketing.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 174-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alba Alonso

With obstacles at various levels of government, multi-level settings provide complex challenges for the implementation of gender mainstreaming. Policy transfer appears to hold some explanatory potential in these sorts of contexts; scholarship however, still tends to focus on single sources of influence – either European or domestic – and potentially misses the broader picture. This article revisits the classic question of who learns what from whom by addressing the implementation of gender mainstreaming in research policies in the Spanish regions through the lens of policy transfer. Measures to tackle gender inequality in science have been developed at the EU, state and regional levels, thus enabling the three regions studied here – Galicia, the Basque Country and the Balearic Islands – to ‘borrow’ good practices from different layers of government. This article suggests that more nuanced frameworks, recognizing that multi-level settings are potential sites for complex lesson-drawing processes, are likely to offer greater explanatory depth.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 1637-1643
Author(s):  
Tsanko Stefanov

Following the accession of Bulgaria to the European Union a number of new obligations for the country have been arisen but also new opportunities for public and corporate project funding have been opened.The government of the country has developed seven operational programs, operating within the period from 2007 to 2013, through which the public and private sectors were able to benefit from funding various initiatives through European financial instruments. In the current 2014-2020 programming period seven operational programs are active again, their scope being changed in comparison to the previous period on the basis of the performed analyses of the implementation and for greater expediency.As a new and modern phenomenon in the Bulgarian economic practice, the operational programs have been of interest to the researches of a number of Bulgarian scientists. Some of them go beyond their bounds and focus on the overall European integration at the supranational level. Others examine the effect of our national operational programs on the national economy. There are also scientists focusing on the microeconomic effect from the program implementation in relation to individual business units.In spite of the serious scientific interest in the opportunities for EU funding there is not enough work in Bulgaria concerning the relations between the programs and their beneficiaries.Despite some differences between them, the completed operational programs and the active operational programs have similarities in regard to their attitudes to their end users – the beneficiaries. In this regard, we can examine EU funding, channeled through the seven programs, from a marketing aspect.In this paper we will pay attention to a specific product offered to the beneficiaries, then we will consider the price paid for it, we will examine the channels through which this product reaches its end users and will study the communication channels for connection with them.The four elements of the marketing complex related to the EU funding through the operational programs differ significantly from the elements related to traditional products. They are strictly specific and the main purpose of the paper is to demonstrate these differences but also to characterize them.As a subject of the paper, the specific elements of the marketing mix in the sphere of EU funding can be pointed out through the mechanisms of the developed operational programs.The main object of the paper are the active operational programs in the current programming period in Bulgaria as well as the programs of the previous programming period in our country.


Author(s):  
Eguzki URTEAGA

LABURPENA: 1990ean, Euskal Kultur Erakundearen sorrerak inflexio-puntu bat suposatu du Iparraldean gauzatu den euskal kulturaren aldeko politikan, batetik, harrezkero, lurralde horrek bere kultura propioa sustatzeaz arduratzen den politika berezi bat baitauka, eta, bestetik, Ipar Euskal Herria politika publiko hori osatzeaz, gauzatzeaz eta ebaluatzeaz arduratzen den erakunde batetaz hornitu baita. Bere sorreraz geroztik, kultur elkarteen bultzadaren ondorioz eta lurraldeko administrazio publiko ezberdinen borondateari esker, EKEk lan egiten du euskal kulturaren babes, transmisio eta hedapenaren alde, arreta berezia jarriz euskarazko sorkuntzaren aldeko ekimenetan. Horretarako, egitarau eta gailu multzo batean egikaritu den norabide estrategikoetaz hornitu da. Erakunde hori euskal kulturaren baliabide erakargune bat bezala ezagutua da eta rol garrantzitsu bat jokatzen du mugaz gaindiko harremanetan, batez ere Eusko Jaurlaritzarekin daukan harreman estuari esker. Horrez gain, Euskal Kultur Erakundeak, egunerokotasunean, arte eszeniko, ikus-entzun, ondare ala letren arloetan diharduten kultur erakundeak laguntzen ditu. Izan ere, bere lantaldeak egitasmoak garatzen ditu elkarte-kideekin lankidetzan jardunez, baita ere beste bazkide batzuekin, publikoak eta pribatuak izan daitezela. Batez ere frantses eta euskal administrazio publikoek diruztatzen dute, eta bere Administrazio kontseilua erakunde publiko zein lurraldeko kultur eragilez osaturik dago. ABSTRACT: The creation of the Basque Cultural Institute (BCI) in 1990 is a turning point in the policy in favour of the Basque culture in Iparralde, on the one hand, because since then the territory has a specific policy for the promotion of its own culture and, on the other, because the Northern Basque Country is equipped with an institution dedicated to ellaborate, implement and assess this public policy. Since its creation, under the impetus of cultural associations and thanks to the political willingness of the different public administrations of the territory, the BCI works for the preservation, transmission and dissemination of the Basque culture, especially promoting the actions for the creation of the Basque expression. For that purpose, it establishes certain strategic guidances that resulted in a series of programmes and devices. This entity is acknowledged as a resource centre for the Basque culture and it plays a relevant role within the framework of transborder relationships, notably because of the privileged collaboration with the Basque government. The Basque Culture Institute in addition to promoting the cultural action attempts to accompany on a day-to-day level the cultural associations involved in the fields of scenic arts, audiovisual sector, patrimony and literature. Indeed, its professional team develops some projects with the close collaboration of their member-associations as well as with other partners, both public and private. It is essentialy public-funded, both by French and Basque authorities, and its governing board is composed of public entities and cultural actors from the territory. RESUMEN: La creación del Instituto Cultural Vasco (ICV) en 1990 marca un punto de inflexión en la política a favor de la cultura vasca en Iparralde, por un lado, porque, a partir de entonces, el territorio dispone de una política específica encargada de fomentar su propia cultura, y, por otro lado, dado que el País Vasco norte se dota de una institución encargada de elaborar, implementar y evaluar esta política pública. Desde su creación, bajo el impulso de las asociaciones culturales y gracias a la voluntad política de las diferentes administraciones públicas del territorio, el ICV trabaja para la conservación, transmisión y difusión de la cultura vasca, promoviendo especialmente las iniciativas a favor de la creación de expresión vasca. Para ello, fija unas orientaciones estratégicas que se han plasmado en una serie de programas y dispositivos. Esta entidad es reconocida como un polo de recursos de la cultura vasca y juega un papel relevante en el marco de las relaciones transfronterizas, sobre todo gracias a una colaboración privilegiada con el Gobierno Vasco. El Instituto Cultural Vasco, además de promover la acción cultural, trata de acompañar, en el día a día, a las asociaciones culturales involucradas en los ámbitos de las artes escénicas, el sector audiovisual, el patrimonio y las letras. En efecto, su equipo profesional desarrolla unos proyectos en estrecha colaboración con sus asociaciones-miembros, así como con otros socios, tanto públicos como privados. Está básicamente financiado por las administraciones públicas, tanto galas como vascas, y su Consejo de administración está compuesto por entidades públicas y actores culturales del territorio.


Author(s):  
Iker Barbero González

Resumen: La comisaría de Policía Nacional de Irun, ciudad situada en la frontera entre los Estados españoles y franceses, en comparación con otras comisarías de la Comunidad Autónoma del País Vasco, tiene los datos más altos de arrestos de extranjeros en situación irregular. Aunque es común encontrar controles policiales cerca del entorno fronterizo esto choca con la idea de eliminación de fronteras en el Unión Europea. El lugar donde estaba la barrera fronteriza ha sido ocupada por un peaje de automóviles construido con una estructura muy particular: con cámara de vigilancia, con garitas para policías, etc. El 70% de las personas detenidas en el Centro de Detención francés de Hendaia en 2015 fueron capturadas en la frontera. Además, los datos de readmisión fronteriza entre los dos estados, en virtud de un acuerdo firmado en 2002, son algo contundentes: 1500 personas han sido expulsadas de media anual (6.000 a lo largo de la frontera).  Este estudio de caso de la frontera hispano-francesa pretende ser un estudio exploratorio de una temática desatendida: las fronteras internas. La regulación en estas áreas es diversa. Muchas excepciones y especificidades se aplican, paralelamente o alternativamente a las normas ordinarias de inmigración de los Estados miembro. Teniendo en cuenta todo esto, tenemos que repensar el imaginario de una Europa sin fronteras que se afirma en el Acuerdo de Schengen. Las fronteras interiores de la UE nunca han desaparecido sino mutado en un modelo de gestión policial de las fronteras internas Abstract: The police station in Irun, a town on the border between the Spanish and French States compared to other police stations in the Basque Country has the highest data of arrests of foreigners in irregular situation is concerned. It is normal, since it is common to find identity police controls near the border surroundings. The place where the border barrier was once was occupied by a car toll constructed with a very particular structure: as a border, with cabins for police men. In addition, the data of border readmission between these two states, under an agreement signed in 2002, is something to look at with special attention: 6.000 people deportaed along the Northen border. 70% of the people detained in the French Detention Centre of Hendaia in 2015 were caught at the border. This case study of the Spanish-French border will put some light in a disregarded topic and object: the internal borders. Regulation in these areas is diverse. Many exceptions and specificities apply, parallel or alternatively to the ordinary immigration rules, as a matter of exception of the Law. Considering all this we need to rethink the imaginary of a borderless Europe stated by the Schengen agreement. Following Balibar in “What is a border?” (2005) the controls multiplied all along the territory as a kaleidoscopic vision. The EU internal borders never disappeared but mutated into a police managed modelo of internal borders.


Author(s):  
Ryzhyuk Yevgeny

The subject of the research is a set of institutional institutions and organizational and managerial relations that effectively regulate the financial and investment environment in the EU countries, comparing them with Ukrainian realities.The goal of writing this article is to develop practical and scientific-methodicalrecommendations on how to increase the efficiency of using financial and investment potential based on the experience of EU countries. The methodology of thework-system-structural and comparative studies (to understand the logic of thefunctioning of institutions that form the investment environment and the mechanisms of their interaction); monographic analysis (in studying the problems ofattracting investors); historical and economic analysis (in assessing the state andprospects of the European, as well as the Ukrainian economy). Results of work -it is revealed that modern European regulators are aimed at forming a holisticinvestment and financial infrastructure and investment platform at the supranational level. It was proposed to carry out further liberalization of currency regulation in Ukraine in order to transform it into a convenient and efficient electronicautomated currency exchange system and introduce the integration of the domestic depository system into the international depositary clearing system Clearstream.It was noted that the financial and investment environment in Ukraine is blockedand domestic monopolies are interested in this, thanks to lobbying in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and in the executive branch they have distorted financial,investment and currency legislation for their interests and needs. Conclusions-thepresence of a holistic investment and financial infrastructure in the EU countriesis due to the gradual convergence and unification of legislation at the nationallevel to the supranational level. In addition, it is reasonably high investment positions of Ireland in the world and it was proposed to use this experience to createa favorable financial and investment environment in Ukraine. Note that the formation of the financial and investment environment in Ukraine according to European standards is hampered by: oligarchic monopolies, which parasitizes mainly onnatural monopolies; government corruption; confusing and incomprehensible legislation for investors; high tax rates and tax administration system; instability ofthe banking system, the risks of hryvnia devaluation; the insecurity of landagrarian relations; as well as armed conflict in the east of Ukraine.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Justyna Olędzka

The purpose of this article is to discuss the trajectory of Belarusian-Lithuanian relations with a particular focus on the period after the 2020 Belarusian presidential election, which resulted in a change in international relations in the region. This was the moment that redefined the Lithuanian-Belarusian relations, which until 2020 were satisfactory for both sides (especially in the economic aspect). However, Lithuania began to pursue a reactive policy of promoting the democratisation of Belarus and provided multi-level support to Belarusian opposition forces. The current problems in bilateral relations (e.g., the future of Belarusian Nuclear Power Plant located in Astravyets) have been put on the agenda for discussion at the EU level, while the instruments of a hybrid conflict in the form of an influx of immigrants into Lithuania, controlled by the Belarusian regime, have become a key issue for the future prospects of relations between Belarus and Lithuania.


Author(s):  
Luis F. MAESO SECO

LABURPENA: Lau urte dira Administrazio Publikoko Langileen Oinarrizko Estatutua indarrean sartu zela, baita horren 13. artikulua ere. Artikulu horretan gobernuei (estatukoa eta autonomia erkidegoetakoak) deia egin zitzaien, nahi izanez gero, zuzendaritzako langileen araubidea ezar zezaten. Arrazoi batzuengatik edo beste batzuengatik (aukera politikoa, administrazioaren erresistentzia, kontrako egoera ekonomikoak, eta abar), dei hori ez du aintzat hartu ez estatuko indar legegileak ez estatuko gobernuak. Zenbait autonomia erkidegotako legegileek eta gobernuek, ordea, kontuan izan dute; horiek Administrazio Publikoko Langileen Oinarrizko Estatutua garatu dute —edo garatzeko izapideak egiten ari dira— eta zuzendaritzako langileen araubidea ezarri dute (Valentzian eta Gaztela-Mantxan, esate baterako, onartu dituzte dagoeneko enplegu publikoaren legeak). Horrez gain, horietako batzuek, hemen G10 deitutako taldea osatzen dutenek hain zuzen ere, berrikuntza asko egin dituzte gai honetan. Funtsezko edukietan, Balear Uharteetako Autonomia Erkidegoa eta Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoa nabarmendu dira gainontzekoen gainetik. Horiei buruz mintzatzen da bereziki, bada, azterlana. RESUMEN: Hace ya más de cuatro años que el EBEP entró en vigor y también su artículo 13. Un artículo en el que se hacía una llamada a los ejecutivos (estatal y autonómicos) para que, sí así lo deseaban, estableciesen un régimen del personal directivo. Pues bien, lo cierto es que, por unas razones u otras (de oportunidad política, de resistencias administrativas, de coyunturas económicas desfavorables, etc.), aquella llamada no ha sido atendida por el legislador o el ejecutivo estatal. Pero sí por los legisladores y ejecutivos de varias Comunidades Autónomas que, no sólo no han dudado en desarrollar el EBEP —o están en trámite de hacerlo— y establecer un régimen de su personal directivo (caso de Valencia o de Castilla-La Mancha, con sus leyes de empleo público ya aprobadas), sino que algunas de ellas (las que integran el aquí llamado G10) han innovado de forma considerable en la materia. Destacando en lo sustantivo y por encima del resto, la Comunidad de las Islas Baleares y el País Vasco. A las cuales está dedicado de manera especial este estudio. ABSTRACT: The Basic Statute for Civil Servants (EBEP in Spanish) came into force more than four years ago, and also its article 13. This article 13 made a call to (state and regional) executives to establish a regime for the managerial staff, if they so wished. Well then the truth is that due to different reasons (political opportunity, administrative culture and others related to economic crisis), that call was not taken into account at the State level. However, Legislators and Executives from different Autonomous Communities have responded to this call. On the one hand, by developing the EBEP (or they are in the process of doing so) and by establishing a regime for managerial staff (the case of Valencia and Castilla-La Mancha, whose public employment acts had already been passed). Also and in addi tion, some of them (those members of the so called G10) have made remarkable innovations on the matter. The Communities of the Balearic Islands and Basque Country stand out above the rest, to which this study is specially devoted.


Author(s):  
Sergio PÉREZ CASTAÑOS ◽  
Jonatan GARCÍA RABADÁN

Laburpena: Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoaren egituraren konplexutasuna dela-eta, Administrazioen arteko elkarlanerako mekanismoak garatu behar dira, asko baitira eskumen konpartituak, bereziki Eusko Jaurlaritzaren eta Foru Aldundien artean. Mekanismo horietako bat administrazioen arteko hitzarmenak dira, artikulu honetan aztergai direnak. Eusko Legebiltzarrak onetsi behar dituen akordio horiek unean uneko lankidetzaren adibide argia dira. Horretarako, lehenengoz, Euskadin eskumenen aldetik eta gobernuarteko harremanen aldetik dagoen egoera aztertuko da; geroago, Eusko Legebiltzarrean 1998 eta 2014 bitartean sinatutako hitzarmenak banan-banan aztertuko ditugu, kontuan hartuta zein aldek sinatu dituzten eta zein gairi buruzkoak diren. Azterlan honen helburua da gaur egun gutxitan aztertu den gai bati buruzko hurbilketa egitea. RESUMEN : La complejidad de la estructura de la Comunidad Autónoma del País Vasco hace necesario el desarrollo de mecanismos de colaboración entre Administraciones, ya que son múltiples las competencias compartidas, especialmente entre Gobierno Vasco y Diputaciones Forales. Entre dichos mecanismos se encuentran los convenios interadministrativos, objeto del presente. Dichos acuerdos, cuya aprobación dependen del Parlamento Vasco, son un ejemplo claro de cooperación puntual. Para ello, se analizará primero la situación de Euskadi en términos competencias y de Relaciones Intergubernamentales existentes para, posteriormente proceder a desgranar los convenios firmados en el seno del Parlamento Vasco entre 1998 y 2014 atendiendo a las partes firmantes y la temática de los mismos. El presente estudio pretende ser una aproximación a un tema poco estudiado por el momento. ABSTRACT : The complexity of the framework of the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country calls for the development of mechanisms of collaboration between administrations since the shared competences are numerous, specially between the Basque Government and the Foral Diputations. Amongst those mechanisms we find the interadministrative agreements, topic under consideration in this paper. Those agreements, whose approval is up to the Basque Parliament, are a clear example of one-off cooperation. Firstly, it will be analyzed the situation of Euskadi in terms of competences and existing intergovernmental relationships and then we will proceed to pinpoint the agreements signed within the Basque Parliament between 1998 and 2014 taking into account the signatory parties and their subject. The current study aims to be an approximation to a less studied topic.


Modern Italy ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paolo Foradori ◽  
Paolo Rosa

SummaryThe article looks at the role of Italy in the decision-making arena of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), analysing the initiatives it put in place to address and influence the construction of a common defence. The article aims to explain the ability or inability of Italy to build up a consensus around its proposals. By studying two initiatives in the field of European defence and security, it seeks to determine the factors which resulted in the differing outcomes of Italian actions at the European level.


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