scholarly journals PROSPECTS FOR ECONOMIC GROWTH IN LATIN AMERICA AT THE PRESENT STAGE

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 111-115
Author(s):  
Oleg KARPOVICH
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Economic Situation ◽  
Present Stage ◽  
The Us ◽  
Latin American And Caribbean ◽  
The Eu

. In the XXI century, cardinal changes continue in the financial and economic situation of Latin America. New influential non-regional partners besides the US and the EU, China, Iran, India, Russia, have come to the fore, significantly expanding the range of foreign relations of Latin American and Caribbean countries, which significantly increases the role of Latin America in the international arena. In economic terms, Latin America is experiencing a period of increased international dynamics, characterized by the intensification of intraregional interactions and the search for new non-regional partners and markets.

scholarly journals The Shaping of EU-Mercosur Relations: From Altruism to Pragmatism and Liberalism to Illiberalism

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolyn Marie Dudek
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Development Programs ◽  
The Us ◽  
Trade Regimes ◽  
Eu Policies ◽  
Eu Competition Policy ◽  
Liberal Trade ◽  
The Eu

Deeply-embedded norms of liberalism and protectionism alongside EU policies focusing on promoting development and regional integration have shaped EU-Mercosur relations.  These stand in stark contrast to the policies of the US, the historic hegemon in the region. This paper utilizes historical institutionalism to understand how the liberal tenets of EU competition policy and the protectionism of Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) have affected EU-Mercosur relations. Particular foci include Spain’s role in spearheading efforts to promote EU-Latin American relations and the way EU competition policies directed against monopolies in Europe spurred increased investment in Latin America, especially the Southern Cone.  The latter prompted the EU to forge closer ties with Mercosur, encouraged cooperation and development programs and spurred regional integration and liberal trade regimes in Latin America.

Digital Humanities in Latin America

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Digital Humanities ◽  
Transnational Networks ◽  
The Us ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Uk

Digital Humanities in Latin America performs a number of tasks: a re-definition of the nations’ symbolic territories, which implies their exploration as digital contexts, experiments, media products, or even as uneven battlefields; a re-examination of the role of transnational networks in the configuration of new identities and/or communities, as exemplified by the cases of the Andean, Latin, and Afro-Latin networks discussed in this book; and a highlighting of the importance of cases that complexify the interaction between national territories and transnational flows through the remixing of aesthetic and political codes. Cognizant of the risks implicit in hegemonic agency, its object is to serve as a vehicle of communication between the Latin American digital humanities and the English-speaking circles of this field in the US and the UK, while at the same time documenting the existence and viability of pertinent academic initiatives south of the border.

Competitiveness, economic growth and human development in Latin American and Caribbean countries 2006-2015

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giovanni E. Reyes ◽  
Alejandro J. Useche
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Developing Countries ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Human Development ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Real Gdp ◽  
Latin America And Caribbean ◽  
Latin American And Caribbean

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyze the performance and the relationship between competitiveness, real gross domestic product (GDP) growth and human development in 20 countries of the Latin America and Caribbean region during the 2006-2015 period. The main argument to uphold here is that – from the perspective of virtuous circle – countries with better conditions of competitiveness are those with better economic performance and with better conditions for human development. Design/methodology/approach Time series data were organized at three levels: individual countries, groups of nations and Latin America and Caribbean as a whole. Indicators used were: index of competitiveness, rates of change in real GDP and Human Development Index. Cluster analysis tests were performed: data ranges were determined and quintiles were established. Countries were ranked in five categories and comparative position matrices were determined for each variable. Linear correlations between indexes were calculated. Linear correlation coefficients were determined in terms of groups of countries and considering Latin America and Caribbean as a whole. Findings Findings revealed that decreasing conditions in competitiveness and economic growth indicators are the representative situation since 2009. The most competitive country in the region is Chile, and the weakest is Venezuela. Nevertheless, all Latin American and Caribbean countries analyzed seem to have made progress in terms of human, economic and social development. Regarding correlations, Dominican Republic showed an inverse relationship between competitiveness and economic growth, while Jamaica and Venezuela showed inverse relationships between competitiveness and human development. At the individual country level, no statistically significant relationship between economic growth and human development was detected. Research limitations/implications Findings highlight the necessity of future research that result in a deeper understanding of the transmission mechanisms between economic and social performance in Latin American and Caribbean countries. Particular reasons at the micro level that explain improvements or deteriorations in competitiveness and human development must also be analyzed. Based on the degrees of freedom, time series could have included more years, but a lack of information was found for some countries. It would also be necessary to observe each particular case considering the type of economy, production characteristics and export/import composition. Practical implications Results complement the existing literature by exploring competitiveness and its relationship with economic and social variables in developing countries. The authors also believe that this paper is relevant for macroeconomic and social policy debates involving competitiveness and human well-being in this region of the world. Originality/value This paper supports an important argument: human well-being and national development must be the ultimate goal of competitiveness. Traditional literature focuses on levels and determinants of competitiveness in developed countries, but it usually does not take into account social and human aspects of the process in developing countries. Little attention has been paid to analyze the relationship between competitiveness and socioeconomic variables in developing countries. Methods and findings of this paper complement the existing literature by studying the relationships among competitiveness, real GDP growth and human development in Latin American and Caribbean countries, using correlation analysis.

Overstretching or Overreaction? China’s Rise in Latin America and the US Response

2021 ◽  
pp. 186810262110282
Author(s):  
Xiaoyu Pu ◽  
Margaret Myers
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
China’S Rise ◽  
The Us ◽  
China's Rise ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Latin American And Caribbean

This article examines how the Chinese elites are interpreting China’s growing presence in the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) region and the various ways in which the United States is responding to China’s expanding activity in the region. Some of China’s elites caution that China’s international posturing could be overly assertive. Regarding China’s growing role in the LAC, they have made a note of US sensitivities, in addition to China’s challenges and limitations in various Latin American countries. Regarding the US response, some US concerns may be legitimate, and others are less valid. Looking ahead, even though US–China interactions in the LAC will remain competitive, the US and China could potentially avoid counterproductive policies while also pursuing pragmatic co-operation. While China does not yet face a serious problem of strategic overstretching in the LAC, China’s domestic debate on the topic will provide feedback to China’s policymakers and promote fruitful China–LAC relations.

A ‘Rashomon’ Story

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Antonio Sanahuja
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Global Governance ◽  
International System ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
The Us ◽  
Common Framework ◽  
Heuristic Device ◽  
The Eu

Considering the role of cognitive frameworks in international relations, this chapter uses the so-called ‘Rashomon effect’ as a heuristic device, showing how different views and accounts of effective multilateralism and global governance can coexist as contested discourses and practices, and how they shape expectations, roles, and practices of the actors and policies involved. The chapter presents Latin American perspectives of multilateralism and global governance, analysing its narrative and discursive logics. In a marked contrast with the US ‘hegemonic’ and the EU ‘normative’ approaches, Latin American views respond to the ‘defensive’ and/or ‘revisionist’ approaches, narratives, and discourses of the Global South, with specific regionalist and nationalist features grounded in its particular historical background and political culture. The chapter also examines how these views and narratives are challenged by deep changes in power structures in the international system, demanding a common framework.

scholarly journals Buena Vecindad y Populismo: El Caribe en las Relaciones Interamericanas de 1933 a 1946

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 16
Author(s):  
Antonio Gaztambide-Géigel
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
Good Neighbor Policy ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Good Neighbor ◽  
The Impact

ResumenLa historiografía sobre la Política del Buen Vecino nos ha permitido distinguir dos períodos en las relaciones estadounidenses con América Latina entre 1933 y 1945. Se ha discutido poco, sin embargo, acerca del efecto de ese cambio sobre las políticas y en las relaciones. Tampoco se ha dicho mucho sobre las diferencias entre el contenido e impacto del Buen Vecino en el Caribe y en el resto del hemisferio. Aquí se abordan ambas dimensiones de las relaciones entre Estados Unidos y el Caribe vinculándolas a los desarrollos políticos internos en diversas sociedades de la región. Entre otras cosas, se manifiesta una tendencia a interpretar los cambios en el Caribe utilizando conceptos y teorías de los países centrales (como fascismo, comunismo, etcétera) y del contexto latinoamericano (como nacionalismo, populismo, Buen Vecino, antimperialismo, etcétera). Este trabajo intenta revisar la aplicación de las teorías y conceptos, adoptar una perspectiva más comparativa y abordar cada experiencia en sus propios términos.Palabras chaves: Caribe, EUA, Relaciones Interamericanas, populismo, Política de buena vencidad.Boa Vizinhança e Populismo: o Caribe nas relações interamericanas de 1933 a 1946.ResumoA historiografia da Política de Boa Vizinhança permitiu-nos distinguir dois períodos nas relações dos EUA com a América Latina entre 1933 e 1945. Tem sido discutido pouco, no entanto, o efeito dessa mudança sobre a política e as relações. Também não disse muito sobre as diferenças entre o conteúdo e o impacto da Boa Vizinhança no Caribe e em outras partes do hemisfério. Aqui ambas as dimensões das relações entre os EUA e o Caribe serão abordadas, relacionando-as aos desenvolvimentos políticos internos em várias sociedades da região. Entre outras coisas, há uma tendência para interpretar mudanças no Caribe, utilizando conceitos e teorias dos países centrais (como o fascismo, comunismo, etc.) e o contexto da América Latina (como o nacionalismo, o populismo, bom vizinho, anti-imperialismo, etc.). Este trabalho pretende revisar a aplicação de teorias e conceitos, adotando uma perspectiva comparativa, e abordar cada experiência em seus próprios termos.Palavras chaves: Caribe, EUA, relações interamericanas, populismo, Política da Boa Vizinhança.Good Neighbor Policy and Populism: Caribbean on Inter-American Relations between 1933 and 1946.AbstractThe historiography of the Good Neighbor Policy has enabled us to distinguish two periods in the US foreign relations with Latin America between 1933 and 1945. However, the effect of this change on the policy and relations has been under discussed. In addition, there is no much saying about the differences between the content and the impact of the Good Neighbor in the Caribbean and elsewhere in the hemisphere. In this article, both dimensions of relations between the US and the Caribbean are addressed, relating to the internal developments policies in various societies in the region. Among other things, there is a tendency to interpret changes in the Caribbean, using concepts and theories of the central countries (such as fascism, communism, etc.) and also the Latin American context (such as nationalism, populism, good neighbor, anti-imperialism, etc.). This paper aims to review the application of theories and concepts, adopting a comparative perspective, and approach each experience on their own terms.Keywords:  Caribbean, USA, Inter-American Relations, Populism, Good Neighbor policy

scholarly journals Peran CELAC dalam Menangani Krisis Pangan di Haiti

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 103
Author(s):  
Eka Safitri Minabari ◽  
Farayani Hamin
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Research Methods ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The Other ◽  
Social Programs ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Zero Hunger ◽  
High Level ◽  
Latin American And Caribbean

This research attempts to understand the role of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) in carrying out the Zero Hunger program in Haiti. Compared to the other countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, Haiti is the country that has the highest poverty and malnutrition rates. This becomes the basis for CELAC to take roles in the problem. By using research methods and international concepts proposed by Clive Archer and Andre Pariera, this study produces two findings about CELAC in overcoming problems related to malnutrition in Haiti. First, CELAC plays a role as an arena an actor through the provision of the High-Level Conference and Ministerial Conference that discusses the problems in Haiti. Second, CELAC has a role as an initiator through the promotion of dialogue between countries to exchange experiences on national social programs.

Presidential Instability in Latin America: Why Institutionalized Parties Matter

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher A. Martínez
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Survival Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Linear Relation ◽  
Legislative Support ◽  
Party Institutionalization ◽  
Different Levels

Abstract Pedro P. Kuczynski (Peru 2018) and Evo Morales (Bolivia 2019) are the most recent cases in a long list of Latin American presidents who have been forced out of office. We seek to contribute to understanding why some presidents fail to fulfil their terms by analysing the role of an actor overlooked by the extant literature on presidential failures: political parties. We hypothesize a non-linear relation between party institutionalization and the risk of presidential failure. That is, when parties are weakly or highly institutionalized, the hazard of presidential failure is lower than when parties are moderately institutionalized. We test this and other hypotheses with a survival analysis of 157 Latin American administrations (1979–2018). We also qualitatively explore how the occurrence (or non-occurrence) of certain events affects the risk of failure in three countries with different levels of party institutionalization. We find that party institutionalization – as well as legislative support, anti-government demonstrations, presidential scandals and economic growth – significantly affects the risk of presidential failure.

From the “Pink Tide” to “Soft Coup d’État” in Latin America: the Case of Bolivia

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 597-625
Author(s):  
Martha I. Chew Sánchez
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Economic Relationships ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Latin American Countries

Abstract This article addresses the impact of settler colonialism by the Spanish and United States in the American continent in forming the base, development, and power of capitalism in the West. It provides a general overview of the United States’ unequal economic relationships with Latin American countries since the end of the nineteenth century to the present. It highlights the role evangelist groups have in changing the way coup d’états have been taking place in the region, in particular, to countries that had democratically elected presidents who were part of the “Pink Tide” and had a program to counterbalance neoliberal policies that were contributing to unprecedented economic inequality in their societies. One of the central questions in this work is the role of coloniality within Latin American countries and between the US and Latin America in the coup d’état against Evo Morales in Bolivia on November 10, 2019.

scholarly journals US and EU in Latin America: contours of competitive interaction

2021 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Ilona Gritsenko
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Latin American Country ◽  
The United States ◽  
Competitive Interaction ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Eu

The paper outlines the contours of modern competitive interaction between the United States and the European Union in Latin America. Based on the Latin American country strategies of the US State Department and the European Commission documents, the author traces the priorities of the above mentioned global players in the region, highlighting those of them that are areas of conflict of interests between the US and the EU. Special attention is paid to the differences and commonalities in their approaches to topical issues and problematic items of the Latin American agenda.

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