scholarly journals A kisbábonyi cigányság helynévismerete

2019 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zsuzsa Szilágyi-Varga

Knowledge of place names in the Roma community of Kisbábony (Băbeşti, Romania) The paper focusing on the field of name sociology can be seen as a continuation of the author’s previous works. The previously published studies deal with the knowledge of place names in the Hungarian population in Kisbábony (Băbeşti, Romania) and the cognitive mapping by the communities living there. The present paper primarily focuses on the knowledge of place name in the Roma community of Kisbábony. The findings rely on interview-based research the author conducted in the village. After characterizing the sociological features of the target group, questions regarding what percentage of the Hungarian toponymicon of the settlement is known in the local native Hungarian-speaking Roma community and on which factors the results depend are answered. The second part of the paper compares the knowledge of place names in the Roma and the Hungarian ethnic groups. In light of the collected and analysed data, it can be concluded that the knowledge of place names in the various social groups which live in the same settlement can be entirely different depending on certain extralinguistic factors.

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 159-173
Author(s):  
Darya Yu. Vashchenko

The article discusses the inscriptions on funerary monuments from the Croatian villages of Cunovo and Jarovce, located in the South of Slovakia, near Bratislava. These inscriptions reflect the complicated sociocultural situation in the region, which is particularly specific due to the fact that this territory was included to Slovakia’s territory only after 1946, while earlier the village was part of Hungary. In addition, the local Croatian ethnic group was actively in close contact with the German and Hungarian communities. At the same time, the orthographic norms of the literary Croatian, German, Hungarian, and Slovak languages, which could potentially be owned by the authors of the inscriptions, differ in many ways, despite the Latin alphabet used on all the gravestones. All this is reflected in the tombstones, representing a high degree of mixing codes. The article identifies the main types of fusion on the monuments: separate orthograms, writing the maiden name of the deceased in the spelling of her native language, the traditional spelling of the family name. In addition, the mixing of codes can be associated with writing feminitives, also order of name and surname within the anthroponym. Moreover, the settlements themselves represent different ethnic groups coexistence within the village. Gravestones from the respective cemeteries also differ from each other in the nature of the prevailing trend of the mixing codes. In Jarovce, where the ethnic groups live compactly, fusion is often presented as a separate foreign language orthograms. In Cunovo, where the ethnic groups constitute a global conglomerate, more traditional presents for a specific family spelling of the names on the monument.


2001 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pilar M. Valenzuela ◽  
Luis Márquez Pinedo ◽  
Ian Maddieson

The Shipibo language is spoken by about 30,000 people in the Ucayali River valley, in the Upper Amazon watershed in the central eastern part of Peru. The language is sometimes also called Shipibo-Conibo after the two main previously distinct ethnic groups which form its speakers. It is a member of the Panoan family and thus is related to such languages as Capanahua, Amahuaca and Chacobo. Panoan languages are principally found in Peru but the family also has members in Bolivia and Brazil. This description is based on the speech of the second author, a 30-year-old male from the village of Dos Unidos de Pachitea. The Río Pachitea flows into the Ucayali, which itself forms one of the major headwaters of the Amazon.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rois Ainul Umah ◽  
Tian Fitriara Huda ◽  
(Prosiding Seminar Nasional FKIP Univeristas PGRI Banyuwangi

Banyuwangi is an area rich in various cultures and customs, this is because Banyuwangi district is inhabited by various ethnic groups. The majority of the sub-districts of Banyuwangi are osing tribe who live in the village of fern and urban village of rejo. Joglo building as one of the traditional Javanese buildings in it contained philosophy that suits the life of the people. The arrangement of the room in Joglo is generally divided into three parts, namely the meeting room called pendopo, the living room or the space used to hold the show called pringgitan, and the back room called dalem or omah jero as the family room. For the people of Banyuwangi especially those who still preserve the joglo house just like the osing tribe have begun to experience the shifting of its role and function where in this case joglo house serve as additional need for home decoration, private residence of the citizen, until used as permanent building of cafe and restaurant. From the description above, the researcher felt that the community did not understand the function of the role and shape of the architecture of the Javanese house which has become the culture of the inheritance slowly changed by causing a shift to the cultural values contained within it. The shift in value will sooner or later bring changes to traditional architectural forms, structures and functions.


Legal Theory ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie Green

Social groups claim authority to impose restrictions on their members that the state cannot. Churches, ethnic groups, minority nations, universities, social clubs, and families all regulate belief and behavior in ways that would be obviously unjust in the context of a state and its citizens. All religions impose doctrinal requirements; many also enforce sexist practices and customs. Some universities impose stringent speech and conduct codes on their students and faculty. Parochial schools discriminate in their hiring practices. Those who complain about such internal restrictions on the liberties of members might well be told to “love it or leave it.”


Author(s):  
J. de Hoz

In antiquity present-day Andalusia was occupied by several different peoples, among whom the main cultural role was taken by the Tartessians, subsequently the Turdetani. The first part of this chapter aims to define the limits and variety of the different ethnic groups. Thereafter, the material available to study the languages of the region is analysed: inscriptions, place names, and personal names. This material is limited and poses numerous problems, but it enables us to define linguistic zones, to emphasize the plurilingual nature of the area, to detect the probable role of Phoenician as a lingua franca, and to draw attention to certain features of Turdetanian, the most widely spoken of the vernacular languages of the region.


Author(s):  
Susan E. Lindsey

All was not peaceful in Liberia in the months before the Majors and Harlans (the Majors’ former neighbors from Kentucky) arrived. In a flashback, chapter 5 reveals the violence that awaits the new settlers. Port Cresson is a small settlement established by the New York Colonization Society and the Young Men’s Colonization Society of Pennsylvania. The village, near where the Luna will disembark passengers a year later, is attacked by a group of indigenous warriors in June 1835. In a single horrible night, twenty people—three men, four women, and thirteen children—are slaughtered. Survivors flee to nearby Edina. The slave trade, supported by many of the indigenous ethnic groups, is behind the attack. The vice agent of the colony survives the attack, but he and his wife are done with Liberia and promptly sail for America. Thomas Buchanan, a cousin of James Buchanan who would later become president of the United States, replaces Hankinson as agent.


Author(s):  
Robert A. Schultz

In the previous chapter, we saw how difficult it was to determine the value of information technology, even with a clearly defined point of view from which to assess that value, namely, the interests of the organization utilizing the technology. Over and above the point of view of the organization or even the economy as an aggregate of organizations, there are other perspectives to consider. Is it correct to view technology as another enabling value like health and wealth, an all-purpose means that enables us to achieve any number of our ends?1 Or should technology rather be viewed as an entirely different way of structuring reality? These questions raise broader issues that need to be considered from much wider points of view: What is the value of information technology for humanity as a whole? And finally, what is the value of information technology for being as a whole? In considering these questions, we need also to consider whether the value of information technology is best assessed as a part of technology generally, or whether information technology has its own characteristics relevant for assessing its value. I will examine issues concerning technology as a whole in this chapter, and return to the IT-specific issues in the next chapter. Beyond considering technology and information technology from the point of view of humanity as a whole, it may be necessary to consider technology and information technology from the point of view of being as a whole. One could think of the point of view of being as a whole as God’s point of view, except that many religious conceptions of God assign many different human attributes to God. And so to determine what is valuable from God’s point of view would embroil us in major religious disputes about God’s nature. Trying to take the point of view of being avoids such disputes. Rather, we are asking, what is the value of technology from the point of view of the unfolding or revealing of whatever is, has been, or will come to be?2 Even the point of view of humanity is itself very difficult for many people to embrace. Instead, their highest point of view is that of some limited human group, most typically national or social groups, ethnic groups, or economic groups or organizations. Yet even with these difficulties, it is easier to discuss the value of technology and information technology from the point of view of humanity as a whole than it is to discuss these questions from the point of view of being. So we will start with the point of view of humanity.


Antiquity ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 70 (268) ◽  
pp. 351-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane Lyons

Building floor plans are frequently recovered by archaologists. A common first sorting of the shapes of small domestic buildings is between round houses and rectangular houses. What do these differences mean? Why do social groups change their building form from one to the other? An ethnoarchaeological study from northern Cameroon illustrates how four ethnic groups in a single community use building shape to blur or define group boundaries for political self-interests.


Author(s):  
Lehel Peti

Seuca became a known place for pilgrimage due to a blind Gypsy woman's public visions about the Virgin Mary in the first years of the new millennium. The author presents both the history of the ethnical and confessional co-existence in the village and the economic and social problems which affected the whole community. Then, the attitudes towards the apparition of the different denominations are highlighted by also presenting the way the seer attempts to question the different denominational opinions. The legitimating strategies of a Gypsy woman significantly influenced the aspects of the vision of the Virgin Mary from Seuca. In the history of Seuca, we find the practice of ethnic groups making well-defined boundaries between them, functioning as important parts of the communities. The artificial change of the ethnic structure during the Communist dictatorship changed the patterns of relations between the ethnic groups and made ethnic coexistence more problematic. The local parish that tried to expropriate the Marian apparitions has successfully integrated their messages into the ideology of ethnic reconciliation. The traditional onto- logical systems of religion in the communities still work and the frequent crossing of the ethnic and denominational boundaries have also promoted the strategies of the Church. In addition, the apparitions in Seuca earned the village a distinguished reputation in the region where enormous changes have taken place and where people have been forced to develop more complex strategies, or ways of life, without any pre-existing concrete models.


Author(s):  
Marina Vladimirovna Grigoryeva

The paper presents the results of an empirical study of affective factors in the manifestation of discriminatory attitudes of a person in behavior. The analysis revealed the following facts. As an affective basis for discriminatory behavior, negative emotional reactions towards people with non-traditional sexual behavior and politicians are expressed. Positive and/or altruistic emotions are associated with pensioners, children, adolescents, people with disabilities, handicapped people, representatives of other ethnic groups and religions, victims of crime, members of the opposite sex, physically unattractive people and people with low income. In relation to persons of no fixed abode and people with mental disorders, conflicting affective reactions are manifested: from sympathy and pity to anxiety and disgust. The strength of prejudice has a broad affective determination for the following social groups: migrants, representatives of other ethnic groups, physically unattractive people, representatives of another social community and youth subcultures. However, only in relation to representatives of youth subcultures, broad affective determination is the real basis for the increase in the strength of discriminatory attitudes and the manifestation of discriminatory behavior associated with the restriction of their activity.


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