scholarly journals Specialised (in)security: violence against women, criminal courts, and the gendered presence of the state in Ecuador

2021 ◽  
pp. 21-42
Author(s):  
Silvana Tapia Tapia ◽  
Kate Bedford
Temida ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 431-451
Author(s):  
Ana Batricevic

Misogynous and sexist violence against women, which often results in death, represents a global problem. Numerous international and national legal instruments are dedicated to the prevention and sanctioning of violence against women. However, the reality implies that existing mechanisms of penal reaction to femicide, as its most extreme and brutal form, should be re-examined. Having in mind the frequency and severe consequences of this criminal offence and the discriminatory character of the message that the state sends by tolerating it or inadequately punishing its perpetrators, the author attempts to define femicide, to present basic forms of state reaction to femicide in comparative law as well as to analyze the features of femicide as an independent criminal offence. Arguing for the incrimination of femicide as an independent criminal offence, or as a special form of aggravated murder, the author points out that such solution could contribute to more precise observation of this form of crime, to a better estimation of the quality of the state? s reaction to it and to its more efficient suppression.


Author(s):  
Kanika Kaul

Recent years have witnessed important changes in planning and budgetary processes in the country. The constitution of NITI Aayog in place of the Planning Commission, restructuring of the Union Budget following the Union Government’s acceptance of the 14th Finance Commission recommendations and measures undertaken for rationalisation of Centrally Sponsored Schemes have marked gender implications. They also have a bearing on public financing of government programmes in a range of sectors, including those meant to address violence against women. The analysis of schemes to address violence against women by state governments in Madhya Pradesh and Jharkhand presented in the chapter, reflects low priority towards the issue in the state budgets, indicating that the importance accorded to gender violence in policy discourse is yet to translate into budgetary priorities. The author concludes that budgetary dimensions of the state’s response to the issue require attention if we are to ensure a comprehensive response mechanism for women facing domestic violence.


Author(s):  
Andrew M. Riggsby

“Crime” lacks a fully agreed definition across modern societies, but competing versions tend to stress notions like punishment, protection of public or collective interests, and a pervasive role for the state in proceedings. Over time the Romans used a series of different procedures (successively, trial before the assemblies, by specialized juries, or by imperial inquisitors) to try most of their offences that would be more or less recognizably criminal today. Substantively, the core of this group were offences against the state in an institutional sense (e.g., sedition, electoral malpractice, abuse of public office, forgery). Over time it also came to include an increasing number of (personal) crimes of violence. Some core modern criminal offences such as forms of theft and forgery of private documents came to be grouped in with these only at a very late date and incompletely. “Moral” offences that are treated as criminal more sporadically today (e.g., use of intoxicants, gambling, prostitution) were not criminalized. Penalties in earlier periods included fines, civic disgrace, and exile; later periods introduced finer differentiation of penalties, as well as execution. Imprisonment was not a formal penalty. Roman criminal law had a deeper and more complicated relationship to politics than did the private, civil law. This is true both in the sense that the jurists were relatively uninterested in the criminal law, especially before the late 2nd century ce, and that known trials in the criminal courts seem to have been little governed by niceties of the law. Common-sense notions of guilt and innocence were relevant, but not legal technicalities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (6) ◽  
pp. 475-492
Author(s):  
Summer Forester

Contrary to our understanding of when states act on women’s rights, Jordan adopted a policy on violence against women at the same time as it faced a number of external and internal security threats. In this article, I query the relationship between militarism and the gender policymaking process in Jordan to make sense of this puzzle. I specifically consider the ways in which a feminist conceptualization of militarism offers a more fruitful understanding of government action on violence against women in Jordan than studying this policy development through the lens of patriarchy, state institutions, and/or feminist activism alone. Indeed, evaluating the development of Jordan’s Family Protection Law through the lens of militarism and related security practices reveals the depth and breadth of these phenomena: the martial values and priorities of the Jordanian regime extend beyond the realm of traditional, ‘high politics’ security issues and impact civil, social, and even interpersonal relations – relations that are always already gendered – that are seemingly far removed from military concerns. I argue that the Jordanian government adopted its policy on violence against women because this enhanced the state’s image in the international arena and appeased domestic audiences by adhering to a gendered logic of protection that maintains the state as the ultimate protector of women. Overall, the article deepens our understanding of how militarism and the security climate influence the gender policymaking process, particularly in semi-authoritarian regimes.


Author(s):  
Santiago Stucchi-Portocarrero 3 ◽  
Jessica Raquel PÉREZ-ANDRADE 1* ◽  
Humberto MALDONADO-RUIZ 2

Violence against women occurs in all latitudes, countries and cultures, and represents a public health problem. In Peru there is currently a wave of extreme violence against women, which must be understood as a very recurrent phenomenon, but not sufficiently reflected. Citizen movements from social networks and civil society have manifested the alarming number of occurrences of this problem and the media evidence more and more cases of women being violated and even killed with mechanisms as cruel as incineration. This article reflects on the role of the State and health institutions in the attention of violence against women and how through the discourse of hegemonic masculinity, as well as that of the pathologization of the victimizer, can even encourage its perpetuation. This analysis includes those components related to the professional training of health service providers and provides some ideas to improve the sociocultural understanding of the phenomenon of violence against women.


Author(s):  
Suzanne Franzway ◽  
Nicole Moulding ◽  
Sarah Wendt ◽  
Carole Zufferey ◽  
Donna Chung

The challenge of violence against women should be recognised as an issue for the state, citizenship, and the whole community. This book examines how responses by the state sanction violence against women and shape a woman's citizenship long after she has escaped from a violent partner. Drawing from a long-term study of women's lives in Australia, including before and after a relationship with a violent partner, it investigates the effects of intimate partner violence on aspects of everyday life including housing, employment, mental health, and social participation. The book contributes to theoretical explanations of violence against women by reframing it through the lens of sexual politics. Finally, it offers critical insights for the development of social policy and practice.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (13) ◽  
pp. 136-151
Author(s):  
Nathália Germiniani Silva Vicentini

Resumo O presente artigo discorre sobre a importância do trabalho com os homens autores de violência contra a mulher previstos na Lei Maria da Penha, abordando a experiência concreta de um dos serviços pioneiros do estado de São Paulo a partir de uma pesquisa e análise de cunho qualitativo. Palavras-chave: Grupo Reflexivo. Violência de Gênero. Violência Doméstica e Familiar Contra Mulher. Autores de Violência.   Abstract This article discusses the importance of working with men who commit violence against women provided for in the Maria da Penha Law, addressing the concrete experience of one of the pioneering services in the state of São Paulo based on a qualitative research and analysis. Keywords: Reflective Group. Gender Violence. Domestic and Family Violence Against Women. Authors of Violence.


Obiter ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Suhayfa Bhamjee

The role of the public prosecutor is one to be respected. Members of society expect to enjoy lives free of violence, theft and other criminal violation; in return, they surrender the exercise of “vengeance” and vigilantism to the state. The public prosecutor (inter alia) is entrusted with the duty of ensuring that justice is served in bringing transgressors to book. The public prosecutor thus has the onerous task of ensuring that the rights of victims are served and given a voice, but at the same time doing so in a manner which upholds the basic tenets of a free, fair and just society. The duty and role of the defence attorney (state appointed or otherwise) ismuch the same. He or she is expected also to serve justice by giving his or her client (paying or pro bono) the best service and defence he or she is capable of. Obviously, this does not mean conjuring up or “manifesting” a defence. But he or she must, at the very least, prevent his or her client from pleading guilty to an offence where one was not committed. The recent decision in Rozani (2009 1 SACR 540 (C)) makes it evident that the fulfilment of such goals and ideals is not easy. The legal profession has gained a rather dubious reputation, attracting epithets such as “con-artist”, “shyster”, “opportunist” and “shark”, amongst others. The perception that individuals join the profession only to make a “quick buck” has stuck and the case at hand certainly seems to show this, reflecting not only a callous disregard for justice, but also what is blatant incompetence on the part of both the prosecutor and the defence attorney. Reading the facts of the matter, one wonders about the general standard of lawyers entering the profession – one cannot but marvel at the farcical aspect of the facts in Rozani. The main objective of practitioners within a criminal justice system should not be to win at all costs, but rather to ensure that justice is served. The facts leading up to the review in Rozani reflect the prosecutor’s need to chalk up wins and the defence attorney’s need to meet fee targets at whatever cost. The decision and remarks from the bench form a sobering commentary on the state of the criminal courts and the pursuit of justice in South Africa. While the level of crime in this country bolsters the need to convict criminals, this provides no excuse for disregarding the basic tenets of justice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (52) ◽  
pp. 621-632
Author(s):  
Ana Carolina De Araújo Tomé ◽  
Vinícius Efraym Siqueira Lopes Soares ◽  
Alcylanna Nunes Teixeira Santiago

Resumo: Por violência doméstica compreende-se qualquer ato que gere sofrimento (físico ou psicológico) e que seja cometido por familiares ou pessoas que residem juntos. Quando se fala nesse tipo de agressão, aparece no cenário a violência direcionada a mulher, a mesma é praticada, principalmente, por parceiros íntimos ou ex-companheiros motivados pelo sentimento de controle e posse sobre a vida da vítima. Desse modo, é objetivo desse estudo, conhecer o cenário da violência doméstica contra a mulher no Estado do Ceará. Para tal foi realizado levantamento de reportagens sobre a temática nos portais G1 e Diário do Nordeste. Usaram-se como critérios de inclusão as reportagens de que noticiam casos de violência doméstica e feminicídio no Estado do Ceará. Foram excluídas as reportagens onde o agressor não é companheiro ou ex-companheiro da vítima e as que trazem o companheiro ou ex-companheiro como suspeito do crime. A análise das informações encontradas aconteceu mediante a Análise de Conteúdo na perspectiva de Bardin. Os resultados obtidos foram divididos em eixos temáticas no intuito de melhorar a compreensão e organização do trabalho. Conclui-se com o estudo que o fenômeno da violência doméstica vem cada dia mais crescendo. Contudo, a visibilidade da mídia é imprescindível nesse cenário. 


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shalu Nigam

COVID-19 is posing challenges larger challenges in terms of human rights including health rights of women and children. Since the mandatory lockdown has been imposed, violence against women is exponentially rising world over. Several countries have enacted special policies, laws and programs to deal with violence against women in homes. However, India which since the 90s has witnessed widening inequalities since the policy of Liberalization, Globalization and Privatization has been introduced, right now is again facing the disastrous impact due to coronavirus. The pandemic is making adverse gender impact in two ways – 1) Middle- or upper-class women facing abuse in homes during the lockdown and 2) Poor women who have no homes or are surviving in slums or those on the roads walking back home or those awaiting in villages for migrant men to come back. The National Commission for Women has reported a rise of 94 percent in complaint cases where women have been abused in their homes during lockdown. Also, another aspect that has not received attention is increasing number of cases where migrant women, along with men, are walking hundreds of miles, some in their advanced stage of pregnancy along with their children, without food. Some are being forced to deliver babies on the roadside while others are receiving the devastating news of migrant men being dead while walking on roads. Deprivation and denial of health and other services to women and children during the COVID crisis is aggravating the disaster. Therefore, almost half a billion women are at risk in India due to the pandemic. Yet, the state has not made any comprehensive COVID response plan to tackle these challenges. Neither any formal statement is being issued to declare domestic violence as an essential service nor plans have been made to support pregnant women workers walking hundreds of miles without food and water with their children. Rather, the state after 40 days of lockdown, while easing down the restrictions, opened the liquor shops as a first step. In doing so, earning revenue is prioritized over genuine serious concerns of women. This is despite of the fact that the women’s movement has shown evidences that consumption of liquor by men is proportional to an increase in incidences of abuse. This essay investigates the gaps in the state’s response in India to the increase in incidents of violence during the lockdown and argues that a robust comprehensive plan is required to address different aspects of violence women are facing in the largest democracy. The government cannot miss the chance to protect women from violence. In order to imagine a gender just violence-free world, the need is to impose the lockdown on the collective imagination that reiterate gender-stereotypical notions and to put the viruses of patriarchy and poverty in quarantine and isolation forever. By maintaining social distancing with the misogynist ideas and developing a plan to eliminate inequalities in all forms, gender justice and human rights could be achieved and the rights guaranteed under Article 14, 15, and 21 of the Constitution can be reclaimed.


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