scholarly journals Intertwining public security policy and protest control in Brazil: Sports mega-events and international diffusion of repression

2021 ◽  
pp. 81-100
Author(s):  
Marta R. de Assis Machado ◽  
Débora A. Maciel ◽  
Rafael de Souza
2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-388
Author(s):  
Patricia Wiater

Since the terrorist attack on Berlin’s Breitscheidplatz took place in December 2016, German state interior ministries deport potential top terrorists in the accelerated procedure under section 58a Residence Act (AufenthG). As a legal consequence, section 11‍(5) Residence Act imposes a lifelong entry ban to foreigners who have been deported on the basis of § 58a Residence Act. In defining the requirements for deporting potential top terrorists, the ministries do not refer to the foreseeability of a concrete terrorist attack, but to the risk arising from the person concerned. Consequently, deportation orders can also be issued to persons who, although identifying with radical extremist Islamism, would not have committed terrorist attacks in case they had stayed in Germany. This practice of accepting misjudgements, that is of deporting „the wrong“, for the sake of public security forms part of the broader concept of fighting terrorism pre-emptively. The paper reveals that there is a twofold need for reform of the German lifelong entry ban for potential top-terrorists: It arises, on the one hand, from the fact that section 11 Residence Act violates EU law requirements of the „Return Directive“ and, on the other hand, from the constitutional principle of proportionality. De lege lata, this principle is infringed because the legal consequence of a lifelong entry ban does not mitigate the deliberate acceptance of misjudgements within the framework of section 58a Residence Act. The paper argues that the constitutionality of pre-emptive security policy presupposes that the factual and legal consequences of misjudgements are reversible. As a consequence, the constitutionality of section 11 Residence Act with regards to potential top terrorists depends on setting time limits on entry bans.


Subject Public security policy under the incoming government. Significance The new political landscape following the recent elections has accelerated the trend towards militarisation of public security responses to crime. President-elect Jair Bolsonaro has pledged to increase the focus on imprisonment and make it easier for police officers to shoot criminals. This is especially worrying in Rio de Janeiro, where a key Bolsonaro ally was elected governor and promised to form sniper teams to shoot suspected criminals, including from helicopters. Impacts The armed forces’ representation in the future cabinet will reinforce the narrative of crime as a ‘national security’ issue. The army may be deployed more frequently on the streets. Bolsonaro’s public security promises will require negotiations with state governments with direct responsibility for crime fighting. Disputes over the constitutionality of a plan to free police officers from prosecution may prompt fierce political and juridical debate.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Izabela Oleksiewicz ◽  
Katarzyna Stachurska-Szczesiak

<p>Koncepcja sustainable development została wprowadzona na forum międzynarodowe za sprawą raportu Brundtland w 1987 r. (Our Common Future). Jej pojawienie się z pewnością można uznać za przełom w dotychczasowym myśleniu o społeczeństwie i przyrodzie. Aby rozwój był samopodtrzymujący się lub trwały, musi łączyć ze sobą trzy elementy: utrzymywanie równości społecznej przy jednoczesnym wzroście gospodarczym oraz ochrona środowiska naturalnego z uwzględnieniem tak obecnych, jak i przyszłych pokoleń. Rozwój taki nie jest stanem statycznym, lecz procesem transformacji, który uwzględnia warunki społeczne, gospodarcze i środowiskowe. W dyskusjach nad kształtem koncepcji sustainable developement prowadzonych w ostatnich latach przeważa nastawienie europocentryczne, co jest wynikiem obecności tego rozwoju w strategiach gospodarczych państw uznawanych za rozwinięte pod względem cywilizacyjnym i o wysokiej ogólnospołecznej odpowiedzialności. Tymczasem początki dyskusji nad koncepcją rozwoju samopodtrzymującego się odnoszą się do problematyki państw słabo rozwiniętych. Wywodzą się one z lat 60. i mają niewiele wspólnego z zaawansowaniem społeczno-gospodarczym. Dzięki swoim środkom oraz doświadczeniu państwa rozwinięte mogą stać się „przekaźnikami” założeń koncepcji, zabezpieczając i stabilizując sytuację w państwach sąsiadujących z UE. Przykładem takiej polityki bezpieczeństwa UE jest współpraca z państwami rozwijającymi się w basenie Morza Śródziemnego (BMŚ), które są odbiorcami zarówno środków, jak i wiedzy z tą koncepcją związanych. Wzajemna współpraca w ustanawianiu ram do jej stosowania sprzyja bezpieczeństwu wspólnego regionu, jakim jest BMŚ. Celem tak określonego obszaru badań jest analiza koncepcji rozwoju samopodtrzymującego się w kontekście formułowania założeń współczesnej europejskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa i ochrony porządku publicznego, biorąc pod uwagę uwarunkowania tej polityki wynikające z bliskiego sąsiedztwa społeczeństw odmiennych kulturowo.</p>


Author(s):  
Marcial Suarez ◽  
Luís Antônio Souza ◽  
Carlos Henrique Serra

This paper discusses the deadly use of violence as a public security agenda, focusing on police lethality and military interventions. Through a literature review to understanding concepts – such as “war,” for example – used in public security policy agendas, the study seeks to frame the notion of political violence, mainly referring to the policies designed to combat violence in Brazil. The objective is to problematize the public security policy based on the idea of confrontation, which adopts the logic of war and the notion of “enemy”. The paper is divided into three parts. The first is a conceptual approach to violence and war, and the second is the analysis of the dynamic of deadly use of force. Finally, the third part is a contextual analysis of violence in Rio de Janeiro, its characteristics, and central actors, using official statistics on violence in the region.


Unity Journal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 33-38
Author(s):  
Chiran Jung Thapa

This paper attempts to demonstrate the dissonance between the highlighted themes placing people at the epicenter and yet excluding the general public and their actual security needs, examines national security from a consumer’s perspective. To underscore a dissonance in the discourse on national security, the writer explores the paradigm of national security policy. Then, it illustrates the discord between the public security needs in their everyday life and the outlined threats in the national security documents. To validate the above argument, the paper offers a new avenue on the overlooked consumer identity of human beings and demonstrates the probability and impact of threats to national security by means of the qualitative data analysis.


Author(s):  
José Gabriel Andrade ◽  
Nuno Jorge de Lima Ferreira

This chapter discusses crisis communication management in the Portuguese public security police digital landscape, mainly focused on social media. This is an exploratory investigation it is intended to understand how crisis communication management methodologies in the digital environment can be applied in police intervention, so its legitimacy is reinforced. The study is divided into two parts, the literature review, and the empirical research. The data was gathered together through an interview survey, with the participation of four public security police officers and four investigators. The interviews were transcribed, and their content was analyzed. In an emergency situation, most of the actions are communication activities, so its management in the digital landscape—above all social media—is critical for the police success, as an institution under strong scrutiny and whose actions depend on the citizen cooperation. Communication is essential for building reputation and should be used in threats to legitimacy, and as a tool for reaching out to the community.


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