scholarly journals Principles of Public Security Policy

2019 ◽  
Vol 113 (4) ◽  
pp. 91-96
Author(s):  
D. Tykhomyrov ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-388
Author(s):  
Patricia Wiater

Since the terrorist attack on Berlin’s Breitscheidplatz took place in December 2016, German state interior ministries deport potential top terrorists in the accelerated procedure under section 58a Residence Act (AufenthG). As a legal consequence, section 11‍(5) Residence Act imposes a lifelong entry ban to foreigners who have been deported on the basis of § 58a Residence Act. In defining the requirements for deporting potential top terrorists, the ministries do not refer to the foreseeability of a concrete terrorist attack, but to the risk arising from the person concerned. Consequently, deportation orders can also be issued to persons who, although identifying with radical extremist Islamism, would not have committed terrorist attacks in case they had stayed in Germany. This practice of accepting misjudgements, that is of deporting „the wrong“, for the sake of public security forms part of the broader concept of fighting terrorism pre-emptively. The paper reveals that there is a twofold need for reform of the German lifelong entry ban for potential top-terrorists: It arises, on the one hand, from the fact that section 11 Residence Act violates EU law requirements of the „Return Directive“ and, on the other hand, from the constitutional principle of proportionality. De lege lata, this principle is infringed because the legal consequence of a lifelong entry ban does not mitigate the deliberate acceptance of misjudgements within the framework of section 58a Residence Act. The paper argues that the constitutionality of pre-emptive security policy presupposes that the factual and legal consequences of misjudgements are reversible. As a consequence, the constitutionality of section 11 Residence Act with regards to potential top terrorists depends on setting time limits on entry bans.


Subject Public security policy under the incoming government. Significance The new political landscape following the recent elections has accelerated the trend towards militarisation of public security responses to crime. President-elect Jair Bolsonaro has pledged to increase the focus on imprisonment and make it easier for police officers to shoot criminals. This is especially worrying in Rio de Janeiro, where a key Bolsonaro ally was elected governor and promised to form sniper teams to shoot suspected criminals, including from helicopters. Impacts The armed forces’ representation in the future cabinet will reinforce the narrative of crime as a ‘national security’ issue. The army may be deployed more frequently on the streets. Bolsonaro’s public security promises will require negotiations with state governments with direct responsibility for crime fighting. Disputes over the constitutionality of a plan to free police officers from prosecution may prompt fierce political and juridical debate.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Izabela Oleksiewicz ◽  
Katarzyna Stachurska-Szczesiak

<p>Koncepcja sustainable development została wprowadzona na forum międzynarodowe za sprawą raportu Brundtland w 1987 r. (Our Common Future). Jej pojawienie się z pewnością można uznać za przełom w dotychczasowym myśleniu o społeczeństwie i przyrodzie. Aby rozwój był samopodtrzymujący się lub trwały, musi łączyć ze sobą trzy elementy: utrzymywanie równości społecznej przy jednoczesnym wzroście gospodarczym oraz ochrona środowiska naturalnego z uwzględnieniem tak obecnych, jak i przyszłych pokoleń. Rozwój taki nie jest stanem statycznym, lecz procesem transformacji, który uwzględnia warunki społeczne, gospodarcze i środowiskowe. W dyskusjach nad kształtem koncepcji sustainable developement prowadzonych w ostatnich latach przeważa nastawienie europocentryczne, co jest wynikiem obecności tego rozwoju w strategiach gospodarczych państw uznawanych za rozwinięte pod względem cywilizacyjnym i o wysokiej ogólnospołecznej odpowiedzialności. Tymczasem początki dyskusji nad koncepcją rozwoju samopodtrzymującego się odnoszą się do problematyki państw słabo rozwiniętych. Wywodzą się one z lat 60. i mają niewiele wspólnego z zaawansowaniem społeczno-gospodarczym. Dzięki swoim środkom oraz doświadczeniu państwa rozwinięte mogą stać się „przekaźnikami” założeń koncepcji, zabezpieczając i stabilizując sytuację w państwach sąsiadujących z UE. Przykładem takiej polityki bezpieczeństwa UE jest współpraca z państwami rozwijającymi się w basenie Morza Śródziemnego (BMŚ), które są odbiorcami zarówno środków, jak i wiedzy z tą koncepcją związanych. Wzajemna współpraca w ustanawianiu ram do jej stosowania sprzyja bezpieczeństwu wspólnego regionu, jakim jest BMŚ. Celem tak określonego obszaru badań jest analiza koncepcji rozwoju samopodtrzymującego się w kontekście formułowania założeń współczesnej europejskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa i ochrony porządku publicznego, biorąc pod uwagę uwarunkowania tej polityki wynikające z bliskiego sąsiedztwa społeczeństw odmiennych kulturowo.</p>


Author(s):  
Marcial Suarez ◽  
Luís Antônio Souza ◽  
Carlos Henrique Serra

This paper discusses the deadly use of violence as a public security agenda, focusing on police lethality and military interventions. Through a literature review to understanding concepts – such as “war,” for example – used in public security policy agendas, the study seeks to frame the notion of political violence, mainly referring to the policies designed to combat violence in Brazil. The objective is to problematize the public security policy based on the idea of confrontation, which adopts the logic of war and the notion of “enemy”. The paper is divided into three parts. The first is a conceptual approach to violence and war, and the second is the analysis of the dynamic of deadly use of force. Finally, the third part is a contextual analysis of violence in Rio de Janeiro, its characteristics, and central actors, using official statistics on violence in the region.


Unity Journal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 33-38
Author(s):  
Chiran Jung Thapa

This paper attempts to demonstrate the dissonance between the highlighted themes placing people at the epicenter and yet excluding the general public and their actual security needs, examines national security from a consumer’s perspective. To underscore a dissonance in the discourse on national security, the writer explores the paradigm of national security policy. Then, it illustrates the discord between the public security needs in their everyday life and the outlined threats in the national security documents. To validate the above argument, the paper offers a new avenue on the overlooked consumer identity of human beings and demonstrates the probability and impact of threats to national security by means of the qualitative data analysis.


Author(s):  
José Gabriel Andrade ◽  
Nuno Jorge de Lima Ferreira

This chapter discusses crisis communication management in the Portuguese public security police digital landscape, mainly focused on social media. This is an exploratory investigation it is intended to understand how crisis communication management methodologies in the digital environment can be applied in police intervention, so its legitimacy is reinforced. The study is divided into two parts, the literature review, and the empirical research. The data was gathered together through an interview survey, with the participation of four public security police officers and four investigators. The interviews were transcribed, and their content was analyzed. In an emergency situation, most of the actions are communication activities, so its management in the digital landscape—above all social media—is critical for the police success, as an institution under strong scrutiny and whose actions depend on the citizen cooperation. Communication is essential for building reputation and should be used in threats to legitimacy, and as a tool for reaching out to the community.


2009 ◽  
Vol 40 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 513-541 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Amar

This article develops new insights into the gendered insecurities of the neoliberal state in Latin America by exploring the militarization of public security in Rio de Janeiro during 2003—08 around campaigns to stop the ‘trafficking’ of sex workers. Findings illuminate the intersection of three neoliberal governance logics: (1) a moralistic humanitarian-rescue agenda promoted by evangelical populists and police groups; (2) a juridical ‘law and rights’ logic promoted by justice-sector actors and human-rights NGOs; (3) a worker-empowerment logic articulated by the governing Workers’ Party (PT) in alliance with social-justice movements, police reformers, and prostitutes’ rights groups. Gender and race analyses map the antagonisms between these three logics of neoliberal governance, and how their incommensurabilities generate crisis in the arena of security policy. By exploring Brazil’s fraught efforts to attain the status of ‘human security superpower’ through these interventions, the article challenges the view that the reordering of security politics in the global south is inevitably linked to desecularization, disempowerment, and militarization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (25) ◽  
pp. 226-238
Author(s):  
Rigoberto Pérez Ramírez ◽  
Dayri Jaruny Flores Ramírez

La seguridad pública es uno de los principales problemas que enfrenta el gobierno mexicano en la actualidad. El problema es central al funcionamiento de la democracia en tanto incide en la confianza social, socava el desarrollo social sostenible y puede eventualmente afectar su estabilidad política. El objetivo principal de este trabajo es analizar las estrategias de política de seguridad pública implementadas por el Estado mexicano en el periodo 2006-2020, a través del método descriptivo-analítico que permite realizar un recorrido de la narrativa en torno al uso las fuerzas armadas en la lucha contra el crimen organizado y brindar protección a la población, a fin de comprender el alcance de sus resultados en el país ante la militarización de la seguridad pública. Esto permite establecer la hipótesis de que la debilidad institucional en materia de seguridad pública en México hace que el Estado tenga como principal instrumento al poder militar para reponer la autoridad e imponer la ley en el país.  La violencia generalizada es el resultado de las estrategias de política cuya narrativa de la seguridad pública se funda en el control punitivo estatal a través del incremento de las fuerzas armadas en labores policiales de seguridad, pero que no contemplan la previsión primaria, ya que el problema estructural es la cuestión social: empobrecimiento, desempleo, marginalidad, entre otras. De ahí, la idea de que el Estado mexicano ha incumplido con su obligación de garantizar la seguridad de las personas, por la existencia de un débil sistema institucional de seguridad. Public security is one of the main problems facing the Mexican government today. The problem is central to the functioning of democracy insofar as it affects social trust, undermines sustainable social development and may eventually affect its political stability. The main objective of this work is to analyze the public security policy strategies implemented by the Mexican State in the 2006-2020 period, through the descriptive-analytical method that allows us to carry out a narrative journey around using the armed forces in the fight against organized crime and provide protection to the population, in order to understand the scope of its results in the country in the face of the militarization of public security. This allows the hypothesis to be established that the institutional weakness in matters of public security in Mexico means that the State has as its main instrument the military power to restore authority and impose the law in the country. Widespread violence is the result of policy strategies whose public security narrative is based on punitive state control through the increase of the armed forces in security police tasks but which do not contemplate primary provision, since the social is the structural problem: impoverishment, unemployment, marginality, among others. Hence the idea that the Mexican State has failed to fulfill its obligation to guarantee the security of people due to the existence of a weak institutional security system.


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