scholarly journals Fiscal Policy and Its Role in Reducing Income Inequality: A CGE Analysis for Pakistan

2015 ◽  
Vol 54 (4I-II) ◽  
pp. 843-864
Author(s):  
Arshad Ali Bhatti ◽  
Zakia Batool ◽  
Hasnain A. Naqvi

Income inequality is one of the critical barriers to growth and development in most of the developing countries including Pakistan. Every third man in Pakistan falls below the poverty line1. Moreover, the budget deficit has also been a serious issue throughout the history of Pakistan‟s economy. The persistent budget deficit is the constant source of increasing poverty and deterioration of income distribution. Since deficit is financed by increasing indirect taxes and money supply, it causes the reduction in purchasing power and leads the masses towards poverty [Arif and Farooq (2011)]. Therefore, it is a dire need of the economy to have a good public policy such that it could reduce budget deficit, alleviate poverty and redistribute income. Malik and Saqib (1985) suggest that the resources of the economy can be distributed equally only through appropriate changes in the tax system. Fiscal policy can have a significant influence on removing the gap between haves and havenots both directly and indirectly. It directly affects the disposable income of individuals, whereas affecting their future earning capacities indirectly

Author(s):  
Raymundo M. Campos-Vazquez ◽  
Nora Lustig ◽  
John Scott

This chapter focuses on income inequality in Mexico, which increased between 1989 and 1994. Between 1994 and 2006, inequality declined; between 2006–14, inequality was again on the rise. The authors apply decomposition techniques to analyse the proximate determinants of labour income inequality and fiscal incidence analysis to estimate the first-order effects of taxes and social spending on the distribution of income. The key component that underlies the ‘rise–decline–rise again’ pattern was the evolution of returns to skills. In addition, while changes in fiscal policy in the 1990s were progressive and pro-poor, the redistributive effect has declined significantly since 2010, as transfers have become less progressive and net indirect taxes have increased.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-84
Author(s):  
Suhrab Khan ◽  
Ihtsham ul Haq Padda

This study investigates the impact of various fiscal policy instruments on the income inequality of Pakistan using an Auto Regressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model on annual data. We find that direct taxes reduce income inequality, measured using the Gini index, while indirect taxes increase disparities. As the major portion of tax revenues are indirect taxes, the current tax regime of Pakistan does not achieve income redistribution. Similarly, development expenditures have significantly reduced income inequality, likely through the creation of employment opportunities. On the other hand, the overall fiscal deficit increases income inequality, due to a rising public debt financed by (regressive) indirect taxes. This study suggests that in the case of Pakistan, where direct taxes are low, a large shadow economy exists, and weak tax administration prevails, an increase in development expenditures and broadening of the tax base of direct taxes should be the main fiscal policy tools for income redistribution. Moreover, persistent high fiscal deficits in the long run should be avoided. Finally, governments should reduce educational inequalities and promote democratic values in the country in order to promote greater fairness in distribution of income.


The present work, The Struggle of My Life: An Autobiography of Swami Sahajanand Saraswati, is an English translation of Sahajanand’s autobiography, written in Hindi, Mera Jeevan Sangarsh. It carries an introduction by the translator which briefly deals with the Swami’s life and legacy. It needs to be emphasized that this is not an autobiography in the common run. Its primary focus is not on Swami’s persona; its central theme is the cause of the freedom movement in general and in particular, of the peasant movement under his leadership. It tells of the life and legacy of one of the most uncompromising and fearless freedom fighters and peasant leaders. It covers the social and political history of one of the most crucial periods of our national life, 1920–47. Today, when the Indian peasantry is faced with a number of intractable problems, it reminds them of the struggles of the peasants of yesteryears and the kind of trials and tribulations they went through. It is also remarkable that despite his vast learning and command over Sanskrit, Swami chose to write in simple, colloquial Hindi. That only speaks for his total identification with the masses. Both the teaching and student community as well as general readers would find this book useful, interesting and intellectually stimulating.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-343
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri

Résumé.L'étude des discours des «pères fondateurs» du Canada moderne révèle qu'ils étaient ouvertement antidémocrates. Comment expliquer qu'un régime fondé dans un esprit antidémocratique en soit venu à être identifié positivement à la démocratie? S'inspirant d'études similaires sur les États-Unis et la France, l'analyse de l'histoire du mot «démocratie» révèle que le Canada a été associé à la «démocratie» en raison de stratégies discursives des membres de l'élite politique qui cherchaient à accroître leur capacité de mobiliser les masses à l'occasion des guerres mondiales, et non pas à la suite de modifications constitutionnelles ou institutionnelles qui auraient justifié un changement d'appellation du régime.Abstract.An examination of the speeches of modern Canada's “founding fathers” lays bare their openly anti-democratic outlook. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on the examples of similar studies carried out in the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term “democracy” in Canada shows that the country's association with “democracy” was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the regime. Instead, it was the result of the political elite's discursive strategies, whose purpose was to strengthen the elite's ability to mobilize the masses during the world wars.


Author(s):  
Dimitri Gugushvili ◽  
Tijs Laenen

Abstract Over two decades ago, Korpi and Palme (1998) published one of the most influential papers in the history of social policy discipline, in which they put forward a “paradox of redistribution”: the more countries target welfare resources exclusively at the poor, the less redistribution is actually achieved and the less income inequality and poverty are reduced. The current paper provides a state-of-the-art review of empirical research into that paradox. More specifically, we break down the paradox into seven core assumptions, which together form a causal chain running from institutional design to redistributive outcomes. For each causal assumption, we offer a comprehensive and critical review of the relevant empirical literature, also including a broader range of studies that do not aim to address Korpi and Palme’s paradox per se, but are nevertheless informative about it.


1988 ◽  
Vol 15 (8) ◽  
pp. 3-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anghel N. Rugina

The unity of our spirit makes it impossible to work toward a certain end without thinking that this end can and must be achieved, even if only in the distant future and through the work of later generations… Objective examination in the ups and downs in the history of law cannot and must not extinguish our faith in justice as a supreme human ideal. Even in the face of events which represent a setback or a deviation, that ideal remains unshaken as a criterion of value; without it, deviation would be meaningless. Even if contradicted by empirical facts, this ideal does not lose its ethical and deontological truth. These contradictions between “is” and “ought to be” can be neither permanent nor general. Giorgio del Vecchio, Man and Nature


1989 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Eisner

Whatever the real or imagined ills of the economy, the news media, most politicians and a fair proportion of the economics profession are quick to point to the culprit: “the budget deficit.” No matter that few appear to know or care precisely what deficit they are talking about or how it is measured. No matter that few bother to explain in terms of a relevant model just how government deficits may be expected to impact the economy. No matter that few offer any empirical data to sustain their judgments. I believe there are serious problems with our fiscal policy. These relate to fundamental national priorities and the provision of public goods, now and for the future. But the current size of the federal deficit is not “our number one economic problem,” if indeed it is a problem at all.


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