scholarly journals Soft Power in the Priorities of Polish Diplomacy for 2019

Author(s):  
Malwina Hopej

Information of the Minister of Foreign Affairs on Polish Foreign Policy Tasks is an annual speech presenting the main line of action of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Republic of Poland. The aim of the article is to present the assumptions for 2019 through the prism of soft power. Attractiveness of culture and values offered by the state, being the fundamental attributes of soft power understood as the ability to create other preferences of people, which may influence the way institutions and even the international system function, are important factors forming foreign policy, although in the case of Poland this range is limited only to the region of Central and Eastern Europe. Since Jacek Czaputowicz was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, historical policy as well as greater involvement of the Polish community in building a positive image of Poland on the international arena have been included in this catalogue. The text consists of four main parts. The first one is a theoretical layer, which is an introduction to the soft power of the title. The next is the placement of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the political scene and the presentation of the assumptions for 2018. The last one is devoted to soft power categories in the Information on the tasks of Polish foreign policy for 2019. It was divided into four smaller parts, each preceded by a theoretical introduction: norms and values; the importance of the historical factor in the creation of soft power; culture; diplomacy; the role of the Polish community in building the image of the Republic. Key words: foreign policy; Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs; soft power; diplomacy; culture; historical policy.

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 216-238
Author(s):  
S. M. Mirmohammad Sadeghi ◽  
R. Hajimineh

«Soft power» is a set of activities designed by a government or regional and international actors aimed to influence external public opinion, promote external image or attract support for a particular policy, which is implemented through all the available tools and new technologies. The non-governmental actors also play an effective and important role in this diplomacy. Considering the public diplomacy and soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran as a deliberate and conscious approach can be of great importance in the country's grand strategies that will strengthen national interests in the domestic sphere and influence them at regional and global levels. The article analyzes the role of Iran’s soft power in confronting Iranophobia. The study is aimed at presenting a theoretical definition of public diplomacy and soft power in foreign policy and international system, and then examines its role in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran with an emphasis on confronting Iranophobia.The authors answer the research question: “What is the role of soft power in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in confronting Iranophobia?” The research method is descriptive-analytical based on historical evidence, documents, and analytical issues of theorists, authors, and media being expressed in the theoretical framework of soft power. The paper is based on a synthesis of Stephen Walt’s “balance of threat” theory with Alexander Wendt’s social constructivism to explain the Iranian “threat” in American foreign policy.The findings of this research show that without the use of force and disturbing the balance in the international relations, using a variety of tools and instruments the Iranian public diplomacy and soft power might be effective to reduce the global and regional atmosphere of Iranophobia and undermine anti-Iranian solidarity.


Author(s):  
Natalia Markushina

The chapter is devoted to the problem of the formation of “soft power” in the Eurasian space. All attempts to find a common language between states in the world lead to the fact that an appeal to “soft power” appears more and more often on the states' agenda as a tool of achieving the goals of the states, including the states of Eurasian region. The concept of “soft power”, introduced into the circulation of the modern theory of international relations by J. Nye, is being actively discussed in Russia. In recent years, President V. Putin and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia S. Lavrov were repeatedly called upon to multiply the Russian resource of “soft power” for solving foreign policy tasks. Undoubtedly, this is also valid when we speak about Eurasian integration.


Author(s):  
I. V. Tsoy ◽  
◽  
P. I. Zaynullina ◽  
◽  

The purpose of this study is to determine the role of cultural projects run by the Korea-Russia Dialogue Forum (KRD) in terms of the implementation of South Korea's foreign policy objectives using a soft power strategy. The tasks of the study were: to substantiate the importance of cultural initiatives in terms of soft power, to systematize and describe KRD projects in various spheres (literature, festivals, visual arts, cultural studies), to identify priority strategic vectors of South Korea’s foreign policy basing on the material considered. The structure of the work corresponds to the research objective setting. As a result of the analysis, several conclusions have been drawn. For instance, it was found out that the interaction between Russia and the Republic of Korea was characterized by horizontal ties between societies ("from civil ties to politics" vector). The research highlights the following soft power strategic tasks: the popularization of the Korean language in the world in general and in Russia in particular, the worldwide promotion of Korean cultural brands, the consolidation of the national community in foreign countries, and support for the implementation of the foreign policy tasks, specifically related to the process of tackling the North Korean issue. The Republic of Korea’s cultural projects can therefore be considered not only as culture related ones, but more extensively as a tool for pursuing the foreign interests of the state as well.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3 (27)) ◽  
pp. 71-78
Author(s):  
Mirmehdi M. Aghazada

The article is devoted to the study of the policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan on international assistance to other countries and its use as an instrument of “soft power”. The relevance of the study is primarily due to the need to study in the field of international assistance the place and role of Azerbaijan, which is a “new” donor in the international arena. It should be noted that this article is the first scientific study in Russian and Azerbaijani historiography on this topic.


Author(s):  
Joshua D. Kertzer

How does the public think about foreign affairs, and how do these public preferences shape foreign policymaking? Over the past several decades, scholarship on public opinion and foreign policy has proliferated, partially due to a growing interest in the “first image” and the ways in which individuals matter in international relations, partially due to an experimental revolution that gave political scientists new methods they could use to study public opinion, and partially due to a range of searing debates—on topics ranging from the Iraq War to globalization—whose fault lines political scientists attempted to map. Scholarship in this area is thus so vast that it is impossible to comprehensively capture in an annotated bibliography of this length. Instead, the discussion that follows focuses on a curated sampling of the field, focusing, in particular, on six sets of substantive questions, drawing on a mix of classic and contemporary scholarship. It begins by reviewing what we know about how foreign policy attitudes are structured, before focusing on public opinion about two different areas of foreign policy: the use of force, and foreign economic issues like trade and investment. It then turns to the effects of sex and gender, along with the role of cue givers in shaping foreign policy preferences—whether partisan elites, international organizations, or social peers. It concludes by reviewing the relationship between public opinion and foreign policy, whether in democracies (as in theories of democratic constraint and accountability), transnational public opinion (as in theories of soft power and anti-Americanism), or in nondemocratic regimes, a relatively new area of research.


Author(s):  
O. Pahiria

The article examines the place and the role of the Ukrainian question in the foreign policy of the Second Czecho-Slovak republic during the post-Munich period. The emergence of this question on the Czechoslovak diplomacy agenda in 1938-1939 was associated with the formation of autonomous Subcarpathian Ruthenia/Carpatho-Ukraine in the republic’s east, as well as with the active debate in international circles concerning Germany’s aggressive plans in Eastern Europe with the use of the Ukrainian card. Based on unknown documents from the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ archives, the article analyses Prague’s attitude towards prospects of the formation of a “Great Ukraine” on the platform of Carpatho-Ukraine. Czechoslovakian government’s position in the Ukrainian question was ambiguous and was shaped by several international factors: 1) Germany’s policy that used the Ukrainian question as a “bargaining chip” in its diplomacy; 2) the aspirations of Poland and Hungary to establish a common frontier in the Carpathians; 3) the position of Romania as Czecho-Slovakia’s key ally, which until some point was strategically interested in retaining the land corridor with Prague through Subcarpathian Ruthenia; 4) the “appeasement policy” of the West, which sought to divert Hitler’s aggression to the East with the use of the Ukrainian card. If earlier Prague looked with suspicion at the Ukrainian question as a certain threat to its territorial integrity due to the factor of Subcarpathian Ruthenia, in 1939 it perceived the Ukrainian card as a possible salvation for Czecho-Slovakia itself. At the beginning of 1939, Czernin Palace developed a few projects which suggested to use the Ukrainian question for the sake of saving the republic. This plan was backed by certain circles of British diplomacy, who had the interest to direct Germany to the East, towards Ukraine’s natural resources. Unfortunately, this period was too short to produce any long-term strategies of Prague on the Ukrainian question. Eventually, Hitler decided to deliver a different verdict to the fate of Carpatho-Ukraine by having passed it to Hungary.


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ostap Kushnir

AbstractThe article addresses current trends in the European transformation and compares the structure which is being built to ancient and medieval empires. The imperial order appears to be productive for the EU, due to it easily embraces the heterogeneity existing within the Union, as well as contributes to the strengthening of the EU institutional legitimacy and efficiency in global governance. The ongoing EU transformations, promoted by the German-French lobby and supported by the authorities in Brus-sels, are indirectly leading to the emergence of an imperial structure, which is secured by a soft power. instead of a rule of sword. Taking all this into account, an attempt is made to define the role of Poland: the largest post-2004 enlargement state, in the new structure. To make this attempt sufficient a brief analysis of current Polish foreign policy and economic growth is provided.


Author(s):  
A. FREDDIE

The article examines the place and role of democracy and human rights in South Africas foreign policy. The author analyzes the process of South Africas foreign policy change after the fall of the apartheid regime and transition to democracy. He gives characteristics of the foreign policy under different presidents of South Africa from 1994 to 2018 and analyzes the political activities of South Africa in the area of peacekeeping and human rights on the African continent.


2013 ◽  
Vol 05 (03) ◽  
pp. 5-16
Author(s):  
Lance L P GORE

The new foreign policy team is more professional and with an Asian focus than its older counterpart. Although still fragmented, it may have stronger leadership and better coordination. This is critically important because China is at a defining moment as to its international role. Xi Jinping's closer ties with the military and his hands-on style may encourage assertive nationalism and more active role of the military in foreign affairs.


2021 ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Nicole BODISHTEANU

The author considers main external and internal factors of the formation of the Eurasian track in foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova from 2009 to 2020. Among main internal factors of the development of the Eurasian (as opposed to European) track of foreign policy, the author singles out: 1) coming to power of the pro-Russian president I. Dodon; 2) current orientation of the economy on the market of the CIS countries; 3) pro-Western parliamentary contingent and representatives of the Party of Action and Solidarity led by M. Sandu, who, on the contrary, helps to blur this track. Among external factors, the author does put an accent on: 1) the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on public opinion of Moldovan citizens towards Western institutions, and as a result, the growing popularity of the «pro-Russian» foreign policy direction; 2) «soft power» of the Russian Federation, mostly concentrated on a common language (Russian) and cultural values (literature, historical past, etc.); 3) willingness of Eurasian partners (mainly the Russian Federation) to provide assistance in crisis situations at no cost, unlike European and Western institutions, which traditionally indicate a number of democratic transformations in the recipient country as one of the conditions for providing assistance. The author comes to the conclusion that the Eurasian track of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova is still in its «infancy», but it has great potential and promises interesting prospects for a small state with a favorable geographical position, located at the crossroads of the most important transport routes between the West and the East.


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