scholarly journals THE UKRAINIAN QUESTION IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE SECOND CZECHO-SLOVAK REPUBLIC AT THE TURN OF 1938-1939

Author(s):  
O. Pahiria

The article examines the place and the role of the Ukrainian question in the foreign policy of the Second Czecho-Slovak republic during the post-Munich period. The emergence of this question on the Czechoslovak diplomacy agenda in 1938-1939 was associated with the formation of autonomous Subcarpathian Ruthenia/Carpatho-Ukraine in the republic’s east, as well as with the active debate in international circles concerning Germany’s aggressive plans in Eastern Europe with the use of the Ukrainian card. Based on unknown documents from the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ archives, the article analyses Prague’s attitude towards prospects of the formation of a “Great Ukraine” on the platform of Carpatho-Ukraine. Czechoslovakian government’s position in the Ukrainian question was ambiguous and was shaped by several international factors: 1) Germany’s policy that used the Ukrainian question as a “bargaining chip” in its diplomacy; 2) the aspirations of Poland and Hungary to establish a common frontier in the Carpathians; 3) the position of Romania as Czecho-Slovakia’s key ally, which until some point was strategically interested in retaining the land corridor with Prague through Subcarpathian Ruthenia; 4) the “appeasement policy” of the West, which sought to divert Hitler’s aggression to the East with the use of the Ukrainian card. If earlier Prague looked with suspicion at the Ukrainian question as a certain threat to its territorial integrity due to the factor of Subcarpathian Ruthenia, in 1939 it perceived the Ukrainian card as a possible salvation for Czecho-Slovakia itself. At the beginning of 1939, Czernin Palace developed a few projects which suggested to use the Ukrainian question for the sake of saving the republic. This plan was backed by certain circles of British diplomacy, who had the interest to direct Germany to the East, towards Ukraine’s natural resources. Unfortunately, this period was too short to produce any long-term strategies of Prague on the Ukrainian question. Eventually, Hitler decided to deliver a different verdict to the fate of Carpatho-Ukraine by having passed it to Hungary.

Author(s):  
Malwina Hopej

Information of the Minister of Foreign Affairs on Polish Foreign Policy Tasks is an annual speech presenting the main line of action of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Republic of Poland. The aim of the article is to present the assumptions for 2019 through the prism of soft power. Attractiveness of culture and values offered by the state, being the fundamental attributes of soft power understood as the ability to create other preferences of people, which may influence the way institutions and even the international system function, are important factors forming foreign policy, although in the case of Poland this range is limited only to the region of Central and Eastern Europe. Since Jacek Czaputowicz was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, historical policy as well as greater involvement of the Polish community in building a positive image of Poland on the international arena have been included in this catalogue. The text consists of four main parts. The first one is a theoretical layer, which is an introduction to the soft power of the title. The next is the placement of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the political scene and the presentation of the assumptions for 2018. The last one is devoted to soft power categories in the Information on the tasks of Polish foreign policy for 2019. It was divided into four smaller parts, each preceded by a theoretical introduction: norms and values; the importance of the historical factor in the creation of soft power; culture; diplomacy; the role of the Polish community in building the image of the Republic. Key words: foreign policy; Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs; soft power; diplomacy; culture; historical policy.


Author(s):  
Stefan Tibuleac

This article analyzes the most current security issues for the Republic of Moldova that are part of the regional security context of Eastern Europe –the region that can be considered the epicenter of international tensions through which the„geopolitical line of fracture”passes. The geographical position of the Republic of Moldova makes this state particularly sensitive to any negative trends in theregion. Growing of international tensions creates security threats and complicates economic development. From a historical point of view, Moldova has repeatedly fallen victim by the confrontation of the great powers. Therefore, the Republic of Moldova has a vital interest in preventing a new conflict in Eastern Europe. This article is based on a number of assumptions made by changes in the European security environment, such as the „shift of weight” to the East, strategic uncertainty, increasing the role of non-state actors, the situation in eastern Ukraine, etc. Based on these assumptions, this article makes an attempt to outline the potential role of the Republic of Moldova in the Eastern European security system, taking into account the desideratum for integration of the republic into the European Union. Other relevant factors will be taken into account for shaping the role of the Republic of Moldova in the European security system, namely: the security deficit; the impact of NATO and EU security policy; the rebirth of the project to create a regional defense alliance, etc. This article will largely take into account the military aspects of security. Keywords: Republic of Moldova, national security, Eastern Europe, NATO, Intermarium, defence, threats, risks, challenges


Author(s):  
A. FREDDIE

The article examines the place and role of democracy and human rights in South Africas foreign policy. The author analyzes the process of South Africas foreign policy change after the fall of the apartheid regime and transition to democracy. He gives characteristics of the foreign policy under different presidents of South Africa from 1994 to 2018 and analyzes the political activities of South Africa in the area of peacekeeping and human rights on the African continent.


2013 ◽  
Vol 05 (03) ◽  
pp. 5-16
Author(s):  
Lance L P GORE

The new foreign policy team is more professional and with an Asian focus than its older counterpart. Although still fragmented, it may have stronger leadership and better coordination. This is critically important because China is at a defining moment as to its international role. Xi Jinping's closer ties with the military and his hands-on style may encourage assertive nationalism and more active role of the military in foreign affairs.


Author(s):  
Serhii Horopakha

On 1st July 2013, the Republic of Croatia officially became the 28th member of the European Union. This event marked the fulfillment of a foreign policy goal, along with joining NATO in 2009, as a major step forward in the country’s long-term consolidation process. The article therefore analyzes the key events of the Croatia – EU relations in 2007-2008, which moved this Balkan country closer to implementing its Euro-integration course. Particular attention is paid to the peculiarities of the pre-accession negotiations with the European Union, as well as to internal and foreign policy factors that had a direct impact on the Euro-integration dialogue between Croatia and the European Union. In this context, emphasis is placed on problem issues that slowed down the dynamics of the negotiation process to a certain extent, in particular the unilateral application by Croatia of the Ecological and Fisheries Protection Zone, and measures taken by the Croatian authorities to settle them. Significant achievements of Croatia in the negotiation process with the European Union are highlighted, in particular, progress of the country in meeting the European Union criteria as well as a date determination the of pre-accession negotiations completion as an important political sign of the European Union readiness to accept a new member in future.


2021 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Craig

Abstract The precise form of internalization of the provisions of the Council of Europe’s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities in domestic law is crucial in ensuring its long-term effectiveness. Experiences in the Western Balkans raise important questions about the role of minority (or community) rights legislation in deeply divided societies. This article uses the case-studies of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and the Republic of North Macedonia to highlight key themes and limitations that have emerged. Comparative analysis reveals a surprising divergence of approaches to internalization in the region. The article further demonstrates that the ‘nation-cum-state paradigm’ remains prevalent, despite the premise of universality. It argues that such legislation can play an important symbolic and practical role, but that legal internalization needs to be seen as an ongoing process. It concludes that attention needs to be given to ensuring the continued particularization and adaptation of such legislation in light of both the limitations and changing circumstances, providing a key lesson also for other divided societies.


2014 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tadeusz Stryjakiewicz ◽  
Michał Męczyński ◽  
Krzysztof Stachowiak

Abstract Over the past two decades the cities in Central and Eastern Europe have witnessed a wide-ranging transformation in many aspects. The introduction of a market-oriented economy after half a century of socialism has brought about deep social, economic, cultural and political changes. The first stage of the changes, the 1990s, involved the patching up of structural holes left by the previous system. The post-socialist city had to face challenges of the future while carrying the ballast of the past. Rapid progress in catching up with the West transformed the city a great deal. Later on, the advent of the 21st century brought a new wave of development processes based, among other things, on creativity and innovation. Hence our contribution aims to explore the role of creativity and creative industries in the post-socialist urban transformation. The article consists of three basic parts. In the first we present the concept of a ‘creative post-socialist city’ and define the position of creative industries in it. We also indicate some similarities to and differences from the West European approaches to this issue. In the second part, examples from Central and Eastern Europe are used in an attempt to elucidate the concept of a ‘creative post-socialist city’ by identifying some basic features of creative actions /processes as well as a creative environment, both exogenous and endogenous. The former is embedded in different local networks, both formal (institutionalised) and informal, whereas the structure of the latter is strongly path-dependent. In the third part we critically discuss the role of local policies on the development of creative industries, pointing out some of their shortcomings and drawing up recommendations for future policy measures.


Author(s):  
Florin Leonte

The chapter discusses how Manuel Palaiologos’ texts reveal not only the emperor’s standpoints in his attempts to answer political challenges, but also a long-term imperial project that sought to establish a system of effective political communication by exhibiting his fatherly concern for his son and co-emperor. This project involved two stages with changing approaches. In the first stage, the emperor strengthened his connections with the literati and frequently chaired theatra. The letters and the dialogic mode of his text on marriage point to the fact that during the last decade of the fourteenth century, the emperor did not have at his disposal too many possibilities of circulating his political messages except for the rather informal meetings in the framework of theatra. In a second stage, which chronologically coincided with the years following the emperor’s return from the West, Manuel attempted to consolidate his ruling position by highlighting in the Foundations and the Orations that he appointed his son, John, as successor. In the absence of a more substantial body of court rhetoricians, the emperor undertook the role of a social-political commentator and accordingly put forward a personal discourse on imperial authority.


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