scholarly journals REFORMASI MENUJU LOCAL GOVERNMENT COUNCIL YANG BERKUALITAS (REFORM TOWARD QUALITY OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT COUNCIL)

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amirul Mustofa
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Rent Seeking ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Performance ◽  
Old Order ◽  
The Status ◽  
Local Government Level

Political reform has occurred in Indonesia, namely when the regime transition of power from the old order to new order, and when the transition toward the new order has yet to reform the order form is of very local government councils. Local government councils according to the opinion of the writer has never showed good political performance, they simply just as political actors who seek personal gain or rent seeking, either the status quo as well as rent-seeking hunters.In connection with these conditions the local government councils is a form of democracy at local government level is very importance role in accommodating the aspirations of the community and promote development at the local level. Referring to this idea the authors approach the study of reform as the basic options that can be found those items essential for local government reform towards a quality council. Variables of important reforms that opinion writer are:  minimize the number of political parties; amendment to the constitution need to be rethinking;political education to be a prerequisite determination of local government councils; and scope of work development of local government council.Key words: local government councils, policy reform, political parties

Party Formation and Dilemmas of Opportunity Structure: Freie Wähler in the German Political System

2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helga A. Welsh
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Level ◽  
State Level ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Status ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Dominant Parties

The Freie Wähler (free voters, FW) offer the rare chance to analyze parties in the making. Their long-time anchoring in local elections, centrist, middle-class political orientation, and bifurcated organizational structure distinguish them from other new political parties that aspire to participate in Land (state), national and European elections. Against the backdrop of FW success in Bavaria, where they received 10.2 percent of the vote in 2008, this article explores the FW expansion to the state level but not their national aspirations. In contrast to most studies that emphasize opportunity structures that work in favor of new political actors, this article highlights their dialectical nature. For example, the FW self-image is based on their difference from political parties, but the rules of the game push them to the status of "almost-party" at the local level and parties at the Land level. Their local roots are a source of legitimacy, but when they reach beyond, divisions among members and voters hold back their electoral fortunes. Independence and issue orientation are appealing to some voters but hamper the establishment of a clear identity and effective campaigning in state elections. Success for FW candidates is linked to the weakness of the dominant parties in the conservative camp. Spatial-temporal conditions are significant in considering the future of the FW at the Land level.

Swedish Local and Regional Government in a European Context

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anders Lidström
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Welfare System ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Welfare Policies ◽  
National Welfare ◽  
Welfare Model

Although Swedish local government shares a set of traits that are common to all other European local government systems, it stands out, in many respects, as unique. The particular combination of local responsibility for costly tax-financed national welfare policies, strong and mainly nationally organized political parties at local level, consistent decision-making collectivism, and a type of representative democracy that leaves little room for means of direct democracy make Sweden different. These features are intertwined, reflecting core values of the Scandinavian welfare model. Although many of them have been challenged during recent decades, popular support for the welfare system remains strong.

Political Hostility and Local Government Crisis in Bangladesh: Ruling Party’s Supremacy and Opposition Party’s Costs of Being Outside of the State Power

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-134
Author(s):  
Khandakar Farid Uddin
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
Legal Process ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of ◽  
Ruling Party

Bangladesh has a history of political unrest and supremacy of the ruling party. Recently, representatives of the local government were suspended for being accused in cases of political violence. The ruling party is defining the suspensions as a legal process; on the contrary, the opposition political parties are claiming it as political hostility and a way of controlling local governments. There are shortages of research on contemporary political challenges and its consequences. Thus, this study considered local government representative suspensions as a case to exemplify the political hostility and local government crisis in Bangladesh. This study also demonstrated some theoretical points to frame the conceptual thoughts, likewise explained the status and some historical illustration of governmental intrusion over local government. Besides, this study applied the qualitative method to discover the research queries. Consequently, the analysis outlined substantial political supremacy and hostility in Bangladesh and its adverse impact on local governance.

Mexico's June elections face serious crime risk

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Physical Attack ◽  
Serious Crime ◽  
State And Local ◽  
Crime Risk

Subject The weakness of state and local level institutions is encouraging more intervention from Mexico City. Significance With twelve Mexican states set to go to the polls on June 5, and a thirteenth holding elections on July 3, longstanding concerns regarding the risk of criminal infiltration in local governments have returned to the fore. Beyond the political manipulation of alleged political-criminal links, political actors appear increasingly aware of their vulnerability to threats, intimidation and physical attack. Impacts How federal and local authorities manage criminal threats will be central to the outcome of the forthcoming elections. Candidate screening will be ineffective as long as federal authorities and political parties are both reluctant to lead the process. Politically motivated intervention will worsen, with all parties using criminal accusations to smear or disqualify other candidates.

scholarly journals The Relationship between Risk Management and Internal Audit Effectiveness at Local Government Level

2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (12) ◽  
pp. 389-396
Author(s):  
Mu’azu Saidu Badara
Keyword(s):  
Risk Management ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Review Paper ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Internal Audit ◽  
Internal Auditors ◽  
Local Government Level ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Audit Effectiveness ◽  
Government Level

Risk management can play important role in ensuring objective achievement of organizations. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to examine the relationship between risk management and internal audit effectiveness at local government level. The paper is a literature review paper and the paper concluded that risk management can influence the effectiveness of internal auditors at local level. The paper needs to be validated empirically.

scholarly journals The revolution in local government: mayors in Portugal before and after 1974

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARIA ANTÓNIA PIRES DE ALMEIDA
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Transition Period ◽  
New Order ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Army Officers ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Local Government Level ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

AbstractIn 1974, Portugal's Carnation Revolution, initiated by the military, received huge popular support. Army officers, mostly of the rank of captain, started the Revolution, but then the politicians took over. While it was largely a ‘top down’ revolution, at the local government level ordinary people assumed control. In this article we consider those who made up the local elites before the Revolution, during the transition period that followed, and thereafter. We compare the local elites in Portugal during Salazar's dictatorship with those under the Democratic regime, using a database of 6,000 entries containing details of 3,102 mayors and deputy mayors and 402 civil governors who held office between 1936 and 2013. Our main conclusions are that during the transition period the elite who had ruled under Salazar were almost completely replaced. A new group, from different professions and social backgrounds, took up the reins of local government. The Revolution produced a population willing to participate in the new order and take on roles within local government, but they did not always retain their seats after the first democratic elections.

The Potential of the Main Political Parties in Contemporary Russia

2021 ◽  
pp. 75-83
Author(s):  
Vitaly N. Ivanov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
State And Local ◽  
Opposition Parties

The object of the research is the modern party system in Russia. The aim of the article is to study the organizational, financial, and political potential of the main parliamentary political parties: Edinaya Rossiya (United Russia (UR)), CPRF, LDPR, and Spravedlivaya Rossiya (A Just Russia). The comparative analysis of party resources revealed a significant disparity between the potential of UR and the opposition parties. The latter are inferior to the UR in terms of the number of members and the development of the organizational structure. The total number of members and local organizations of these parties is one-third of UR's indicators. The lack of a developed infrastructure for the opposition parties preserves their limited representation and influence at the local level of public power. The financial potential of the parties is formed mainly by state funding and donations from sponsors. Today, four parliamentary parties are eligible for state support. The share of public finance in their budgets is more than half of all revenues. They also receive the bulk of donations, the size of which is limited by law and is official in nature. It can be argued that Russia has formed a mechanism that allows the state to support parties without allowing the establishment of monopoly influence on their activities by individuals and elite groups. The political potential of the parties is determined by the level of their representation in state and local government bodies. Today it is dominated by UR. Its parliamentary fractions actually control the legislative branch of power at the federal and regional levels. Together with the presidential structures of power, UR also ensures the election of presidential creatures to the posts of heads of regions. Party members today form the basis of the governor's corps, with a single representation from other political parties. UR's organizations include more than half of deputies and heads of municipalities, ensuring its influence on the local government system. The high level of dominance of UR and the limited potential of the opposition parties is an important condition for the stability of the existing political regime. UR's significant opportunities allow the ruling elite to maintain and strengthen their positions: cut off the forces of the radical opposition from power, control the legislative process providing legal support for decisions of the government and the head of state, consolidate the federal and regional elite, ensuring the rotation of elites and coordination of their interests. In these circumstances, the parties of the parliamentary opposition are important for preserving the democratic nature of the political process. They do not question the dominant role of UR, offer limited competition to it, and do not have the potential to really influence key political decisions.

New Order and Good Government: Municipal Administration in Belgium, 1938–1946

2004 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 389-407 ◽  
Author(s):  
NICO WOUTERS
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
New Order ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Municipal Administration ◽  
Good Government ◽  
Belgian Population ◽  
Legal Position ◽  
Administrative Operation ◽  
Inefficient Operation

The inefficient operation of state institutions – including municipal administration – lay at the heart of Belgium's crisis of legitimacy in the 1930s. In 1940, the German military occupation government opted to keep many of the existing administrative institutions and personnel in place. The collaborating political parties, Rex and the Vlaams Nationaal Verbond (VNV), possessed little legitimacy with either the Germans or the Belgian population. However, this article argues that both parties turned this to their advantage, infiltrating the Flemish municipal apparatus (especially mayors). Yet, as their political programme and legitimation was completely derived from the Germans, their legal position as administrators (especially mayors) was very weak. Both collaborating parties compensated for this with the theory of ‘good government’. Their takeover of power was an administrative operation which, the article argues, would bring them legitimacy through everyday ‘good government’. The entire ‘Neuordnung’ in Belgium in 1940–2 was strongly legitimised on administrative, not political grounds. The failure of this tactic lay in the open politicisation of collaborationist local government. As the article shows, the post-liberation authority also faced a problem of legitimacy. Generally speaking, the trauma of occupation had seemed to strengthen Belgians' wishes for the restoration of stability rather than reforms.

scholarly journals Austerity and Irish local government expenditure since the Great Recession

2018 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerard Turley ◽  
Stephen McNena ◽  
Geraldine Robbins
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Great Recession ◽  
Capital Expenditure ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Government Expenditure ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
The Great Recession ◽  
Housing Services ◽  
Local Government Level ◽  
Local Government Expenditure

Abstract This paper sets out to establish the extent of austerity in the Irish local government system during and after the Great Recession. Austerity is measured by the adjusted change in local government expenditure from peak to trough years, and is analysed by type of expenditure, service division and local authority. Stripping out the change in local government current spending that is due to expenditure reassignments reveals that the austerity-related reduction in local government operating expenditure is not as large as often portrayed. As for other findings, there are sizeable differences across the aforementioned classifications, with, most notably, capital expenditure cuts far exceeding cuts in current expenditure. The largest decreases in total spending were on roads and housing services, and small rural county councils endured the most austerity, as measured by the initial reductions in current expenditure. In terms of policy implications, the biggest concern is the large infrastructural deficit that needs to be tackled, arising from austerity cuts in capital expenditure imposed at both central and local government level. As the economy recovers from the Great Recession and the subsequent era of austerity, failure to address this problem will hinder Ireland’s international competitiveness, constrain the economy’s future growth rate and result in impoverishment of public services at local level.

scholarly journals Why Political Parties don’t and do Matter in Local Government Elections in Indonesia: A Manado Case

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (77) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefanus Sampe
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Qualitative Data ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Computer Application ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Quantitative Methodology ◽  
Structured Interviews

ABSTRACT Introduction: Despite decentralization devolving increasing decision-making powers to subnational governments across Asia, the subject of local-level elections has not received anywhere near the academic attention afforded to national elections. This article aims to make a contribution to filling this gap in the literature on the dynamics of local election by examining the political parties’ activities in the 2010 local executive election in Indonesia through the detailed case study of Manado City. Materials and Methods: This article used a combination of quantitative and qualitative methodologies for a case study of the Manado local government election in 2010. These methods include direct observation which had been done during the election in 2010, review of relevant media articles and books, collection of statistics from relevant government organizations and interviews. The latter comprised the most important and novel aspect of the research. The interviews were of two types: First, there was a quantitative survey of 100 selected voter respondents using questionnaire with 22 closed-ended questions. Second, there were semi-structured interviews with the local leaders of political parties, the heads of campaign teams, the candidates, the members of the local electoral organization, the representatives of NGOs, mass media personnel and the survey organisations who monitored the election. The quantitative data was explored with the aid of a computer application program (SPSS) while the qualitative data was analysed through a thematic approach. Although the qualitative data collection and analysis was dominant, the quantitative methodology was still important in this article. Results: This article found a paradoxical situation in that political parties did not and did matter. They did not matter case was supported by evidence showing that voters chose candidates based on their personalities, behaviours and programs rather than on party loyalty. On the contrary, they did matter case derived from the superior organisational abilities of parties in running successful election campaigns and in aligning themselves with the candidates most likely to win. Discussion: This article had made a valuable addition to explaining the activities of political parties at local level in the context of decentralization. The implication of this research is that although voters did not choose political parties, the latter were nonetheless highly significant in determining the outcome of the local government election in Manado City. So, it is useful for future research to consider more closely the role of parties in local elections.

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