scholarly journals PENOLAKAN TERHADAP PELECEHAN SEKSUAL PADA WANITA DI RUANG PUBLIK (KHUSUSNYA PADA DAERAH SURABAYA DAN SEKITARNYA)

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-251
Author(s):  
Diah Ayu Pratiwi ◽  
Ika Octavia Vidianingrum H

AbtsractThis research uses women in East Java and surrounding areas as evidence of the frequent formation of harassment problems against women. Written using a feminist criminology perspective, this research uses a qualitative approach with a participatory observation method that allows observers to feel what the research and research subjects feel and understand firsthand the phenomena that occur in them. Sexual violence against women is not the same as other criminal acts. Sexual violence has a wide and varied dimension of action. The incidence of sexual violence against women in public spaces reported and recorded at Komnas Perempuan is not factual. The fact that the number of sexual violence in the public sphere is greater than the reported sexual violence. Sexual violence against women is a symbolic violence that wants to show the dominance and power of men over women. Women do not have autonomy over their bodies. Women's bodies no longer belong to women, but belong to men. The female body is defined and constructed by the male mind. With social construction, women become other than themselves. Early education is needed to carry out social deconstruction by placing equal relations between men. To protect women, it is necessary to reform the law.Keywords: public area; sexual harassment womanAbstrakRiset ini menjadikan wanita pada wilayah Jawa Timur serta sekitarnya selaku pembuktian kerap terbentuknya permasalahan pelecehan pada wanita. Ditulis dengan memakai perspektif kriminologi feminis, riset ini memakai pendekatan kualitatif dengan tata cara observasi partisipatoris yang membolehkan pengamat turut merasakan apa yang dirasakan oleh subjek riset dan penelitian dan memahami langsung fenomena yang terjadi di dalamnya. Kekerasan seksual terhadap perempuan tidaklah sama dengan perbuatan pidana lainnya. Kekerasan seksual memilki dimensi perbuatan yang luas dan beragam. Angka kejadian kekerasan seksual terhadap perempuan di ruang publik yang dilaporkan dan tercatat di Komnas Perempuan adalah angka tidak bersifat faktual. Fakta angka kekerasan seksual di ruang publik lebih besar daripada kekerasan seksual yang terlaporkan. Kekerasan seksual terhadap perempuan merupakan kekerasan simbolik yang ingin menunjukkan dominasi dan kuasa laki-laki terhadap perempuan. Perempuan tidak memiliki otonomi terhadap tubuhnya. Tubuh perempuan bukan lagi milik perempuan, namun milik laki-laki. Tubuh perempuan didefinisikan dan dikonstruksikan oleh pemikiran laki-laki. Dengan konstruksi sosial, perempuan menjadi liyan dari dirinya sendiri. Diperlukan edukasi sejak dini, untuk melakukan dekonstruksi sosial dengan menempatkan relasi yang setara antara laki-laki. Untuk melindungi perempuan, maka diperlukan pembaharuan hukum.

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (Summer) ◽  
pp. 94-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariam Mecky

This article explores the interplay of the politics of moral panics, hegemonic state discourses, and the notion of masculinity in Egypt after the 2011 uprising. As sexual violence in the public sphere has become more visible in Egyptian mainstream public discourse post-2011, the state narrative was often anchored in morality and stability. Through examining three incidents of sexual violence, I attempt to unpack the state rhetoric that aims to police bodies, deeming certain female bodies violable, and vilifying male and female subjectivities. Through the logic of the masculinist state, I examine how the Egyptian state polices women’s bodies and consolidates male sexual dominance over women, using the politics of moral panics. The state, I argue, aims to reinforce its hegemonic masculinity to maintain control over the gendered public sphere and eliminate prospects of socio-political change, thereby consolidating the gendered architecture of citizenship.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 519
Author(s):  
Wahyu Krisnanto ◽  
Martika Dini Syaputri

Indonesia is one of the countries that has ratified the Declaration on the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and follow up with the issuance of various laws and implementing regulations. Even though Indonesia has ratified the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women and has published various legal instruments for the protection of women, referring to the results of the 2018 National Commission on Violence Against Women there were 348,446 cases of Violence Against Women, of which 3,528 cases occurred in the public sphere and 2,670 cases of violence in the form of sexual violence. Based on these problems, a study was conducted to find out how people's perceptions of women's body autonomy and other forms of sexual violence in public spaces were experienced by women. Theoretical understanding is expected to be used as a basis for legal reform to be more effective in protecting women from sexual violence in the public sphere. This research is legal research with a social science approach. With empirical research, the method used is a qualitative research method by conducting structured interviews with women and in-depth interviews with police officers. The analysis technique that will be used is descriptive qualitative. From the results of the study obtained data, that sexual violence is caused by the unequal power relations between men and women resulting in the view of women as other people. Women do not have autonomy over their bodies. The female body is only used as an object of sexual attraction for men. The dominance of masculinity does not only manifest in the form of violence, but also the norms and rules of law. Legal norms and rules are more nuanced masculine that is not sensitive to the existence of women. There is a need for existing legal reforms to show the real form of gender equality. 


Author(s):  
Kamila Gieba

The article examines ways of representing nuclear catastrophe in Kate Brown's Plutopia: Nuclear Families, Atomic Cities, and the Great Soviet and American Plutonium Disasters. In 1957 an explosion in the Mayak works - a plutonium production site - led to massive contamination of the surrounding areas. The event remained a closely kept secret till 1992, absent from the public sphere and cultural texts, despite the fact that the scale of contamination was as big as the Chernobyl explosion. One of the reasons for this was the difficulty of representing nuclear radiation. The author focuses on three contexts of this impossibility: in relation to the cognitive theory of the metaphor, the figure of the sick body as bearer of memory, and the invisibility of the nuclear landscape.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Lise Frey

Survivors of sexual violence in Canada face a culture that is largely hostile to their voices and experiences. Despite this, some survivors turn to the public sphere to work through their trauma. This thesis presents interview data from seven survivors who have performed stand-up comedy about their own experiences with sexual violence. It weaves together critical and clinical trauma theories, feminist work on sexual violence, and communications theories about humour and joking to offer new insights into how cultural responses to sexual trauma can work to challenge dominant attitudes about rape. This thesis ultimately argues that the cognitive, linguistic, and affective strategies that joking encourages can guide survivors towards reconceptualising the traumatic events they’ve experienced and facilitate the integration of those traumas into their lives. By focusing on a novel aspect of survivors’ affective expressions – their fun – this analysis works to make better sense of peoples’ complex responses to trauma.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 109 ◽  
pp. 326-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michele Goodwin

If no permanent injury has been inflicted, nor malice, cruelty nor dangerous violence shown by the husband, it is better to draw the curtain, shut out the public gaze, and leave the parties to forget and forgive.State v. Oliver, 70 N.C. 60, 62 (1874)Prologue: The ContextSadly, sexual violence against women and girls remains deeply entrenched and politicized around the globe. Perhaps no other allegation of crime exposes a woman’s credibility to such intense hostility and imposes the penalties of shame and stigma to a more severe degree than alleging rape. Factors irrelevant to sexual violence, including the victim’s choice of clothing, hairstyle, and time of the attack frequently serve as points of searching inquiry, and scrutiny. Such extraneous points of critique further compound an atmosphere of shaming and stigmatization associated with sexual violence, but are seen as crucial in bolstering an affirmative defense and inevitably building the case against rape victims.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (01) ◽  
pp. 143-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Conny Roggeband

Latin American feminists brought up the issue of violence in the 1970s under military rule or situations of armed conflict. These contexts made feminists specifically concerned with state violence against women. Women's organizations pointed to torture and rape of political prisoners and the use of rape as a weapon of war and connected these forms of violence to deeper societal patterns of subordination and violence against women in both the private and public spheres. Processes of democratization in the region brought new opportunities to institutionalize norms to end violence against women (VAW), and in many countries feminists managed to get the issue on the political agenda. In the mid 1990s, the region pioneered international legislation on VAW that uniquely included state-sponsored violence. The Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women (1994) established an international obligation for states to prevent, investigate, and punish VAW regardless of whether it takes place in the home, the community, or in the public sphere. While Latin American governments massively ratified this convention, national legislation was not brought in line with the broad scope of the international convention. This points to the complex and often contradictory dynamics of institutionalizing norms to oppose VAW in multilevel settings.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fadliyya Syifa Nurulita ◽  
Intan Primadini

Violence against women does not only occur in the private sphere, but also in the public sphere, for example in the workplace and educational institutions. Bombshell, a based on true story movie raises the issue of violence against women in the workplace. Promoting movies on violence against women theme in a country that still adheres to a patriarchal system is not easy. However, in Indonesia, it turned out that this movie not only attracted a large audience, but also received positive reviews from various parties. That success can be achieved due to the Marketing Public Relations strategy carried out by Cinema XXI as its distributor. This study aims to find out the Marketing Public Relations strategy of Cinema XXI in promoting Bombshell. This study is a qualitative research and data is obtained through in-depth interviews. Based on the result of this study, it is known that in order to get positive coverage, Bombshell’s marketing campaign also aimed to shape perceptions as well as to educate the audience regarding the issue of violence against women in the workplace. Furthermore, there was a significant role of Key Opinion Leaders in creating awareness about the raised issues as well as inviting audiences to watch the movie. Keywords: Bombshell  ; Key Opinion Leader; Marketing Public Relations; Violence against Women.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 99-118
Author(s):  
Karolina Zakrzewska

The author describes the relationship between the open public sphere and privacy which, by entering the public sphere, creates a space for secrecy and lack of transparency within the official space. The author discusses the transition from the ancient division into the public area, characterised by overt, open and transparent actions, and the private area, which is hidden in the darkness of the house, to the modern obliteration of the boundary and the clear division between the two areas. The Habermasian diagnosis of modern mass society leads to the conclusion that a certain chimera of concepts, processes and phenomena have been created, both relating to their nature and the meanings they convey associated with secrecy and openness.


Author(s):  
Jana Kujundžić

This paper will focus on sexual violence and new forms of religious traditionalism emerging in the Croatian political context and their engagement with the term gender. Critical Discourse Analysis as a methodological framework will be used to investigate the debates surrounding the ratification of the Istanbul Convention (Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence) in 2018 in Croatia. Religious conservative organisations started to frequently utilize the term “gender ideology” to created fear, confusion and moral panic in the public discourse in connection to the ratification. According to their interpretations, “gender ideology” in the Istanbul convention was smuggled in to destroy the traditional Croatian Catholic heterosexual family by enabling children to choose their own gender. Croatia has undergone significant changes since the dissolution of Yugoslavia in the 1990s dismissing its socialist legacy with the support of the Catholic Church and its staunch anti-communist rhetoric which seeks to undo any progress in terms of gender equality achieved during socialism. Researching sexual violence from the intersectional feminist framework poses a challenge in a climate where the conservative discourse has highjacked any discussion of sexual violence in the public sphere by contesting the term gender itself and making it a questioned category of social analysis. Even though Croatia has ratified the Istanbul Convention in April 2018, the government has issued alongside an “interpretative statement” further legitimizing the term “gender ideology.”


Author(s):  
Takiyah Nur Amin

This article argues that performance acts as a site where the power to extend, reaffirm, and complicate political ideas is enacted through embodied expression. The argument is supported by examining the ways in which the enduring legacy of negative stereotypes about black women’s femininity and sexuality circulate in the public sphere and how black women’s historical marginalization and dehumanization gave rise to a “politics of respectability” that continue to constrain and police black women’s bodies and voices, using both Michelle Obama (The First Lady) and Beyoncé as examples. In this chapter, contemporary performance is engaged at the location of popular dance on video.


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