A Case Study: Harmonization of Veterinary Drug Maximum Residue Levels Between the U.S. and Canada

1996 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 436-444
Author(s):  
Steven D. Brynes ◽  
Richard H. Teske
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Working Group ◽  
Daily Intake ◽  
The United States ◽  
Veterinary Drugs ◽  
Evaluation Procedure ◽  
Veterinary Drug ◽  
The Us ◽  
Maximum Residue Levels ◽  
Residue Levels

The Free Trade Agreement between the United States and Canada (FTA) went into effect January 1, 1989. To implement certain provisions of the agreement on technical regulations and standards, the United States Center for Veterinary Medicine, the Canadian Bureau of Veterinary Drugs, and Agriculture Canada established the Working Group on Veterinary Drug Tolerances. The primary charges to the Working Group on Veterinary Drug Tolerances were (1) to harmonize the procedures used for evaluating new animal drugs, performing risk assessments and calculating tolerances, and (2) to harmonize the tolerances (or maximum residue levels, MRLs) for approved drugs, with the goal of having the same tolerances in each country. The first of these charges was met early in the negotiations. Both the US and Canada will use a 6-step evaluation procedure for the human food safety evaluation of new animal drugs. On September 29, 1990, Canada published a list of MRLs for 38 drugs that had been harmonized through the FTA. The progress of the working group and its continuing efforts to harmonize tolerances for approximately 15 other veterinary drugs will be discussed. This paper proposes use of the toxicologically determined acceptable daily intake (ADI) for the drug as the safety standard for reaching conclusions on the acceptability of residues in meat for human consumption. Specifically, the ‘equivalence’ of different MRLs for the same veterinary drug would be determined by considering whether they are likely to result in dietary residues that exceed the other country's ADI for the drug. Estimates are made for the veterinary drugs lasalocid and halofuginone hydrobromide. Based on these estimates, the US and Canadian MRLs for each drug would be considered ‘equivalent’ for trade purposes.

Analysis of Veterinary Drug Residues in Pasteurized Milk Samples in Chinese Milk Bars

2020 ◽  
Vol 83 (2) ◽  
pp. 204-210
Author(s):  
WEN-QING ZHANG ◽  
ZHONG-NA YU ◽  
HARVEY HO ◽  
JUN WANG ◽  
YU-TAO WANG ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Veterinary Drugs ◽  
Penicillin G ◽  
Veterinary Drug ◽  
Chemical Components ◽  
Milk Product ◽  
Veterinary Drug Residues ◽  
Drug Residues ◽  
Pasteurized Milk ◽  
Maximum Residue Levels ◽  
Residue Levels

ABSTRACT The milk bar is an emerging style of retail business that mainly produces pasteurized milk (PM) and other dairy products on-site in many large cities of the People's Republic of China. To date, no data about veterinary drug residues in PM samples produced from milk bars have been reported. The objective of this study was to investigate the safety of PM from a total of 182 PM samples collected from milk bars from 10 provincial capital cities and to analyze the residues of seven classes of 61 veterinary drugs. First, the chemical components were screened with test kits, and then the positive samples were further confirmed by ultraperformance liquid chromatography–tandem mass spectrometry. The results showed that 15 (8.24%) samples were screened positive for veterinary drugs, and six drugs in 11 (6.04%) samples were confirmed. The veterinary drugs detected were penicillin G (2.20%), tetracycline (1.10%), tylosin (1.10%), amoxicillin (0.55%), oxytetracycline (0.55%), and gentamicin (0.55%), with maximum residue levels of 3.4, 11.9, 28.2, 3.0, 26.9, and 63.5 μg kg−1, respectively. Veterinary drug residues were detected as positive in 7 of 10 cities, with the highest detection rate as 14.29% in Urumqi. No positive samples were found in the cities of Nanjing, Tianjin, and Nanning. All detected drug levels were far below the maximum residue levels regulated by China, the European Union, and the Codex Alimentarius Commission. This suggests that the overall veterinary drug residues in PM in milk bars reached the safety code of the country. However, potential risks still exist, and continuous attention should be paid to guarantee the safety of this milk product in the future. HIGHLIGHTS

scholarly journals A descriptive study of United States bleeding disorders camps

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Maria E. Santaella ◽  
Cynthia Nichols ◽  
Michelle Witkop
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Health Care Providers ◽  
Working Group ◽  
Leadership Skills ◽  
The United States ◽  
Bleeding Disorders ◽  
Care Providers ◽  
Resultant Data ◽  
The Us ◽  
Compare And Contrast

AbstractBackgroundDisease-specific camps present one means of helping children overcome the challenges associated with chronic conditions and improving clinical and psychosocial outcomes. For more than 50 years, bleeding disorders camps (BDCs) in the United States (US) have been promoting independence, self-care, and leadership skills in children with bleeding disorders, all while fostering camaraderie in a secure and safe environment. However, little is known about how BDCs are organised, administered, funded, staffed, or how staff are compensated.AimThis article aims to describe the attributes of BDCs that service the US bleeding disorders community, and to compare and contrast these attributes to identify gaps in the BDC system and areas for improvement.MethodsThe National Hemophilia Foundation (NHF), in collaboration with several members of its Nursing Working Group and Physical Therapy Working Group, developed a survey that was distributed to BDC administrators (CAs) and health care providers (HCPs).ResultsA total of 101 HCPs and 20 CAs completed the survey. Findings indicated that BDCs are an informal extension of both the HTCs and NHF chapters, reaffirming that camps play a crucial role in the overall care of bleeding disorders. In general, diminishing financial resources threaten the existence of BDCs. Although there are BDC guidelines for formal staff training and specific interventions delivered to camp participants, adherence is variable. Other gaps included minimal self-infusion education follow-up with no documentation on effect or benefit of infusion education provided at camp.ConclusionAddressing the gaps identified by this survey and documenting resultant data supporting the value of BDCs will facilitate their continued sustainability in light of increasingly limited funding.

scholarly journals United States updates recommendations for managing anthrax attacks

2002 ◽  
Vol 6 (19) ◽  
Author(s):  
R Harling
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Working Group ◽  
Consensus Statement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Accidental Release ◽  
Additional Information ◽  
European Guidelines ◽  
Animal Trials ◽  
The Us

The United States (US) Working Group on Civilian Biodefence has recently published an updated consensus statement for the management of deliberate releases of anthrax (1). The recommendations are consistent with European guidelines, and offer some additional information. Evidence emerging from the deliberate releases of anthrax in the US postal system in October 2001 has been included, along with older data from the accidental release at Sverdlovsk in 1979, and from human and animal trials.

The United States and the Iranian Nuclear Programme

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Hurst
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nixon Administration ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
The Relationship

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.

‘To see oursels as ithers see us’: Reflections on Scottish Independence from the United States

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Scottish Diaspora

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.

Palestine Unbound

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Task Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Tel Aviv ◽  
The Us ◽  
Intention To Move ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict ◽  
The U.S

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.

Against Slave Power? Slavery and Runaway Slaves in Mexico-United States Relations, 1821–1857

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The South ◽  
Runaway Slaves ◽  
The Us ◽  
El Alto ◽  
Upper South ◽  
Lower South

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.

Pathways to Legalization: Undocumented Mexican Immigrants in the US/Mexico Borderlands, 1942–1956

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Elizabeth Rosas
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Family Relationships ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
Extended Family ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mexican Immigrant ◽  
Agricultural Laborers ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Contract Laborers

In the 1940s, curbing undocumented Mexican immigrant entry into the United States became a US government priority because of an alleged immigration surge, which was blamed for the unemployment of an estimated 252,000 US domestic agricultural laborers. Publicly committed to asserting its control of undocumented Mexican immigrant entry, the US government used Operation Wetback, a binational INS border-enforcement operation, to strike a delicate balance between satisfying US growers’ unending demands for surplus Mexican immigrant labor and responding to the jobs lost by US domestic agricultural laborers. Yet Operation Wetback would also unintentionally and unexpectedly fuel a distinctly transnational pathway to legalization, marriage, and extended family formation for some Mexican immigrants.On July 12, 1951, US president Harry S. Truman’s signing of Public Law 78 initiated such a pathway for an estimated 125,000 undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers throughout the United States. This law was an extension the Bracero Program, a labor agreement between the Mexican and US governments that authorized the temporary contracting of braceros (male Mexican contract laborers) for labor in agricultural production and railroad maintenance. It was formative to undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers’ transnational pursuit of decisively personal goals in both Mexico and the United States.Section 501 of this law, which allowed employers to sponsor certain undocumented laborers, became a transnational pathway toward formalizing extended family relationships between braceros and Mexican American women. This article seeks to begin a discussion on how Operation Wetback unwittingly inspired a distinctly transnational approach to personal extended family relationships in Mexico and the United States among individuals of Mexican descent and varying legal statuses, a social matrix that remains relatively unexplored.

Changes in Perceptions of Filipino Immigrants about Themselves and of Americans Before and After Coming to the United States

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gremil Alessandro Naz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Symbolic Interaction ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Appraisal Theory ◽  
American Values ◽  
The Us ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Symbolic Interaction Theory ◽  
Filipino Immigrants

<p>This paper examines the changes in Filipino immigrants’ perceptions about themselves and of Americans before and after coming to the United States. Filipinos have a general perception of themselves as an ethnic group. They also have perceptions about Americans whose media products regularly reach the Philippines. Eleven Filipinos who have permanently migrated to the US were interviewed about their perceptions of Filipinos and Americans. Before coming to the US, they saw themselves as hardworking, family-oriented, poor, shy, corrupt, proud, adaptable, fatalistic, humble, adventurous, persevering, gossipmonger, and happy. They described Americans as rich, arrogant, educated, workaholic, proud, powerful, spoiled, helpful, boastful, materialistic, individualistic, talented, domineering, friendly, accommodating, helpful, clean, and kind. Most of the respondents changed their perceptions of Filipinos and of Americans after coming to the US. They now view Filipinos as having acquired American values or “Americanized.” On the other hand, they stopped perceiving Americans as a homogenous group possessing the same values after they got into direct contact with them. The findings validate social perception and appraisal theory, and symbolic interaction theory.</p>

The Riddle of a Common History

2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
The United States ◽  
History Textbooks ◽  
Recent History ◽  
History Textbook ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us ◽  
Constant Part ◽  
Intrinsic Component

By identifying two general issues in recent history textbook controversies worldwide (oblivion and inclusion), this article examines understandings of the United States in Mexico's history textbooks (especially those of 1992) as a means to test the limits of historical imagining between U. S. and Mexican historiographies. Drawing lessons from recent European and Indian historiographical debates, the article argues that many of the historical clashes between the nationalist historiographies of Mexico and the United States could be taught as series of unsolved enigmas, ironies, and contradictions in the midst of a central enigma: the persistence of two nationalist historiographies incapable of contemplating their common ground. The article maintains that lo mexicano has been a constant part of the past and present of the US, and lo gringo an intrinsic component of Mexico's history. The di erences in their historical tracks have been made into monumental ontological oppositions, which are in fact two tracks—often overlapping—of the same and shared con ictual and complex experience.

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