scholarly journals Explaining Presidential Approval, 1993-2020: An Examination of the Clinton, Bush, Obama and Trump Presidencies

Author(s):  
Charles Ostrom ◽  
Alon Kraitzman ◽  
Brian Newman

Can public support for recent presidents be explained by long-held findings in the presidential approval literature? The presidencies, of Clinton, George W. Bush, Obama, and Trump seem to counter the existing literature, suggesting that recent approval ratings have become disconnected from the political environment. We synthesize prior scholarship on the environmental connection, salience, and economic handling to develop a general model to evaluate approval during the 1992-2020 period. The model estimates show the environmental connection remains intact. Looking at these four presidents together, we find the public punished and rewarded presidents in a manner consistent with the long-held findings of the literature. Even though each of these four presidents served in unique circumstances, the foundation of the public’s approval remained consistent. Our results point to an enduring environmental connection that holds presidents accountable for the conditions of the day.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Ostrom ◽  
Alon Kraitzman ◽  
Brian Newman

Can public support for recent presidents be explained by long-held findings in the presidential approval literature? The presidencies, of Clinton, George W. Bush, Obama, and Trump seem to counter the existing literature, suggesting that recent approval ratings have become disconnected from the political environment. We synthesize prior scholarship on the environmental connection, salience, and economic handling to develop a general model to evaluate approval during the 1992-2020 period. The model estimates show the environmental connection remains intact. Looking at these four presidents together, we find the public punished and rewarded presidents in a manner consistent with the long-held findings of the literature. Even though each of these four presidents served in unique circumstances, the foundation of the public’s approval remained consistent. Our results point to an enduring environmental connection that holds presidents accountable for the conditions of the day.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-63
Author(s):  
Ingrid Nielsen ◽  
Russell Smyth

Existing studies for the United States examine the extent to which the public is knowledgeable about US courts, arguing that knowledge of the courts is linked to public support for their role. We know little, though, about the Australian public’s awareness of the High Court of Australia. We report the results of a survey of a representative sample of the Australian adult population, administered in November 2017. We find that few Australians know the names of the Justices, the number of Justices on the Court, how the Justices are appointed or for how long they serve. Awareness of recent cases decided by the Court is mixed. We find that age and education are better predictors of awareness levels than is gender. Our findings are important because in the absence of awareness of the High Court, the potential exists for the public to see the Court as having a more overt political role than it has, which may lower esteem for the Court. The potential for this to occur is exacerbated if, and when, politicians attempt to drag the High Court into the political fray, by attributing political motives to it that it does not have.


2005 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony B. L. Cheung

The protest by over half a million people on July 1, 2003, unleashed the most serious crisis of governance in Hong Kong since its retrocession to China in 1997. Triggered by the government's attempt to legislate new national security legislation, it exposed more fundamental institutional defects of an increasingly weakened government. This article puts forward two arguments. First, the political logic of the pre-1997 period was not compatible with the post-1997 political environment and public sentiment, resulting in a widening cognitive gap between government and people. Second, the former colonial administration, despite its non-democratic nature, was able to secure sufficient public acquiescence and acceptance through economic performance and service delivery. The new government was constrained by both economic and fiscal difficulties and unexpected social crises. A declining capacity to perform effectively had further eroded public support. Attempted reforms of the bureaucracy and the introduction of a new ministerial system had caused greater political-administrative disjunction and actually compounded the crisis of governance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
Khadija Murtaza ◽  
◽  
Dr. Mian Muhammad Azhar ◽  

Politics is all about power in a democratic form of government. In a democracy, agitation is the part of politics in the developmental stage of human rights. Agitational politics is a kind of politics which urge the public demands and utilize the public opinion for the sake of specific issue. Sometimes, it would make public violent who acts as attacking the police and damaging the official establishments. Protestors cover the specific area and refuse to move on until their demands are measured by authorities. It affects the working of government institutions and also creates political instability. The main reason behind this, agitational politics, have lack of stout and genuine leadership in Pakistan. Agitational politics is a strategy used by the opposition that indirectly creates a weak situation for democracy. In agitational politics, parties and groups make use of speeches and public opinion to gain public support. This article discusses the dharna politics of 2014 arranged by the rising political party Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf which directly disturb the political activities and also the reason of cancelation of the visit of foreign officials of different countries. This research paper will cover the impacts of agitational politics on the working of the institution. This work also explains that, how sit-in politics damage the state working institutions and also destabilize the democracy. Sometimes it strengthens the political system but most of the time it creates uncertainty in the political environment. It is the utmost scuffle that weakens the civil and national institutions and democracy faces a lot of dares.


Author(s):  
Howard Elcock

Over a decade the author and John Fenwick have interviewed English elected mayors. The analysis uses the Political Leadership Matrix to assess these interviews in terms of whether mayors have made a difference and if so, how they did it. The analysis is presented in the mayors' three functions: their government of the local authority itself, their governance role – the mayor's relations with other organisations and citizens. Last comes their approach to maintaining their public support and campaigning for their re-election: their allegiance role. The mayors' attributes are analysed in terms of their formal powers and functions, their informal relations with party groups, officers and the public and their personal qualities. The conclusion is that mayors most certainly think they have made a difference.


Author(s):  
Fahrudin Eko Hardiyanto

<p>Pilkada 2015 which took place in 21 regencies and cities in Central Java worth to be examined in terms of the use of political advertising embodied in the form of banners/billboards. The role and whereabouts of political advertising will help determine the public support of the candidates. This study aims to reveal the values of prophetic rhetoric on political discourse pilkada in 2015 in Central Java. Methods and techniques of data collection in this study is a method refer to the technique of free libat captive, recording techniques, and record techniques. Three stages of analysis used in this study, namely data reduction, data presentation, and description of conclusions and verification. To answer the questions and needs of the research, the researcher analyzed the research data in the form of banners and baliho pilkada 2015 in Central Java through observation technique and refers to the note that existed in the discourse fragment of advertisement which is supposed to be a statement which is the values of discourse of prophetic rhetoric. Based on the results of analysis on the political election advertising discourse concluded that there are various prophetic rhetoric which is the embodiment of the main values humanist, liberative, and transcendent.</p>


Author(s):  
Ilya Viktorovich Nikolaev

This article raises a problem of existence of the verbal political symbols of autocratic discourse in public space. The hypothesis is advanced that in the conditions of centralization of the Russian political system, forms a specific type of discursive loyalty, interpreted as communicative behavior within the framework of the structure of verbal political symbols set by the official political discourse. The object of this research is the Russian sociopolitical discourse of Russia in the early XXI century. The subject is the instruments of manifestation of discursive loyalty used by public actors. Special attention is turned to the public attitude on verbal symbols of the country&rsquo;s leader, political parties and bureaucracy in the conditions of centralization and personification of power over the period from 2000 to the present. An attempt is made to formulate the typology of discursive loyalty based on the components of perception of political symbols indicated by R. Cobb and C. Elder. Three basic types of discursive loyalty are defined depending on the dominance of separate components in perception: 1) affective, based on emotional empathy with the content of the discourse of power and its source; 2) cognitive, based on recognition of the relevance of verbal symbols of the discourse of power; 3) analytical, based on rational choice of the verbal symbols of power upon availability of the alternative or evasive option. Types of loyalty are illustrated by examples of discursive behavior of the subjects of civil society of the early XXI century &ndash; presidency and prime-ministry of V. V. Putin, whose personal influence actualized the affective type of loyalty, and the results of transformation of the political system led to proliferation of analytical type of loyalty. The author believes that the prevalence of analytical type of discursive loyalty is dangerous for the political system, due to its simulated nature, which creates an illusion of public support.


2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 295-312
Author(s):  
Elena Dragomir

During the early 1990s, following the restoration of independence, Lithuania reoriented in terms of foreign policy towards West. One of the state’s main foreign policy goals became the accession to the EU and NATO. Acknowledging that the ‘opinion of the people’ is a crucial factor in today’s democracy as it is important and necessary for politicians to know and take into consideration the ‘public opinion’, that is the opinion of the people they represent, this paper brings into attention the public support for the political pro-West project. The paper is structured in two main parts. The first one presents in short the politicians’ discourse regarding Lithuania’s accession to the EU and its general ‘returning to Europe’, in the general context of the state’s new foreign policy, while the second part presents the results of different public opinion surveys regarding the same issue. Comparing these two sides, in the end, the paper provides the answer that the Lithuanian people backed the political elites in their European projects. Although, the paper does not represent a breakthrough for the scientific community, its findings could be of interest for those less familiarized with the Lithuanian post-Cold War history, and especially for the Romanian public to whom this journal mainly addresses.


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda C. Bryan

Arguably the most influential power the U.S. Supreme Court has is the power to choose which cases to decide. This power allows the nation’s only unelected branch of government to choose either to weigh in on key political controversies or avoid them completely. Here, I take one of the first case-level looks at the role of public opinion in the Court’s agenda-setting process. I argue justices vote to hear cases when they are likely to agree with public opinion on the outcome and eschew cases when they are out of step with the American people. However, the effect of public opinion depends on the political environment, especially on the level of public support the Court enjoys, the salience of the issue, and the case’s legal importance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 103-118
Author(s):  
Renata Kusiak-Winter

LEGAL AND POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATIONThe analysis of the political and legal environment of the public administration has been presented from the point of view of arational lawmaker who aims the legal framework enabling influence of politics on the administration. This is reflected in the general administrative law, the administrative law of organizational structures, the substantive administrative law and the procedural administrative law.


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