Russia, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the issue of restoration of permanent diplomatic missions at the end of 1680s

2020 ◽  
pp. 67-87
Author(s):  
Nikоlay E. Domrachev ◽  

In the last third of the 17th century, the diplomatic relations between Muscovy and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth were significantly modernized. The countries exchanged permanent diplomatic representatives called “residents” by the contemporaries. This process was connected to the increase in contacts between the two countries facing the Ottoman offensive in East and Central Europe. But the common external threat did not lead to the end of historical tensions between Muscovy and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth that was reflected in the fate of the permanent missions. The latter were eliminated in 1677. Only after the Treaty of Perpetual Peace (1686) conditions were created to resume the activities of the residents. Meanwhile, the inner circle of Jan III Sobieski and the government of the Prince Vasiliy V. Golitsyn had different views of the functions and goals of diplomatic representatives. A significant role in resuming the activities of the “residencies” played the mutual disbelief of the establishment of both countries and their wish to control the main actions of the ally.

2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-156
Author(s):  
Carsten Fogh Nielsen

The Appendix to Kant’s Toward Perpetual Peace is commonly viewed as an explication of the systematic relations between political practice and normative political theory. This paper provides an alternative interpretation of Kant’s main aim in the Appendix which is to provide an argument against the so-called “practical man.” The practical man believes that human nature precludes normative political ideals from ever playing a significant role within political practice. Drawing on the 1793 text “On the common saying: That may be correct in theory, but is of no use in practice,” the paper argues that Kant’s argument against the practical man is based on a proto-phenomenological analysis of moral experience. The practical man’s attempt to describe political practice in purely non-normative terms is, Kant believes, necessarily self-undermining because it denies one of the most basic aspects of human life; the inherent and inescapable normativity of practical reason.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1and2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Parvi Bharti

Film tourism is quite a new concept, it is also referred to as film-induced or movie-induced tourism. It promotes the tourism advantage induced for any destination or country due to its exposure to public through the film media. This concept is at its nascent stage in the world. Many countries are found to work on this concept after realizing the benefits which can be reaped by their people, society and economy as a whole. Every theory, if advantageous, also tends to present some challenges. This mode of tourism promotion has its own benefits and challenges too for the administration, but, it depends on the government: local and central both, to make use of the concept in the manner befitting most for the locales and the economy. The international or worldwide famous films have been found to do wonders to the inflow of tourist for the country and shooting destinations in specific. Various governments have also started playing a significant role, and contributing by providing assistance to the film producers. In India we have had films promoting various destinations in the country itself through our own Bollywood, whereas some films under the international banner also have had some scenes or part of the film shot in the country. It would be of immense benefit to use this concept for the tourism industry of the country, but before that, it is essential to be prepared to deliver the required infrastructure and facilities. The study of this model is quite complex and requires an exhaustive research to understand the benefits (in exact measures) any country can reap for its economy. This paper aims to induce further research in the field and integrate the efforts and research in the field of tourism and management.


2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-271
Author(s):  
Madoka Fukuda

AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.


Soon after his accession to the English throne William’s two navies started combined operations against the common enemy France. The Nine Years War had broken out, and this was followed after a short interval by the War of the Spanish Succession. Combined naval operations by two allies were nothing uncommon in those days. Anglo- French fleets had fought the Dutch in no fewer than four fierce battles in 1672 and 1673. French and Dutch squadrons had cooperated against the English Navy in 1666, and much earlier in 1596 and 16252727 Anglo- Dutch fleets jointly attacked Spanish ports (1). In these examples cooperation never lasted long nor was it very close. Problems concerning the command structure were seldom satisfactorily solved. Allies regularly changed sides during the 17th century. The Glorious Revolution, however, can be treated as a turning point. England became involved in a generations-long struggle against France. The Dutch Republic under William III had already started to fight Louis XIV’s urge for expansion, more than 15 years earlier. Both countries almost became traditional allies. Right from the beginning in 1689 detailed arrangements were made for naval cooperation, long-standing ones as later developments showed.


1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Pettman

Zambia inherited a system of government and administration in 1964 which was ill-suited to the tasks of political development to which her new leaders were dedicated. What little national unity and mobilisation had been achieved in the independence struggle declined with the removal of the common enemy. The Government rested on a fragile base, without the support of agreed rules and practices to limit and contain conflict, and without adequate instruments available for the implementation of its policies. So the search began for a more suitable political system, which could cope with the new needs of independence, and provide for the stability of the state and the survival of the Government.


1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 118-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Carlton

Soon after her husband of thirty-three years died leaving her a wealthy widow of sixty-two with an estate worth some £6,000, Anne Elsdon met Tobias Audley, a widower of twenty-five and keeper of a tobacco shop, whom one witness later described as “a most lewd person, and of no worth.” On July 21, 1624, Audley took the Widow Elsdon and her friend, Martha Jackson, to the Greyhound Tavern in London, where they met Mary Spencer, Margery Terry, Frances Holiday, and Nicholas Cartmell. The first two were common prostitutes, the second two ministers, though, presumably, not of the burning puritan brand. For the next three days all of them plied the Widow Elsdon with some £25 worth of liquor, staggering from tavern to tavern and eventually ending up at the Nags Head in Cheapside. In that appropriately named hostelry Anne consented to marry Tobias Audley. A special license was hurriedly obtained, but not before Widow Elsdon had passed out. So, after trying to revive her with slaps around the face, Mary Spencer, the common whore, said the marriage vows for her. The Reverend Cartmell pronounced Tobias and Anne man and wife, and off the widow was carried to a Blackfriars tavern for her wedding night. After stripping her, Tobias Audley proceeded to strip her estate. He took plate from her house worth £140, and bonds and deeds valued at £3,000, and largely as a result of her traumatic experiences the widow died two years later.


Lehahayer ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 43-69
Author(s):  
Andrzej Gliński

Organization of crafts and trade in the Armenian commune inStanisławów in the 17th and 18th centuries “Orientalization” of artistic taste, which could be observed in 17thcenturyPoland, contributed to the development of crafts and trade in Stanisławów.The owners of the city, the Potocki family, were aware of the benefits that the Armeniansettlement carried. In the second half of the 17th and throughout the 18thcentury, a dozen or so Armenian merchant families from Stanisławów occupiedthemselves with trade in Wallachian and Moldavian farms. Both of these countriesplayed a significant role in the transit of goods from the East. In the last decadesof the 17th century, Stanisławów to some extent replaced in oriental trade KamieniecPodolski, which was then under the Turkish rule. In the 18th century, themain subject of trade for Stanisławów Armenians became oxen and horses, importedfrom Moldova via Pokucie, and then driven to markets in Lublin, Warsawand Gdańsk, or to Silesia. Several Armenian families from Stanisławów also tradedin dried fish from the Danube, morocco leather, silk and wine imported fromHungary. In the second half of the 18th century, trade in textiles and products of Armenian furriery in Stanisławów regressed due to being cut off from the marketsafter the first partition of Poland.


Author(s):  
Alexander Vinogradov

Introduction. The author examines the insufficiently studied period of diplomatic communicationsof the Moscow Tsardom and the Crimean Khanate after Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov’s enthronement, which led to establishing relatively peaceful mutual relations between them at the final stage of military and political confrontation of Russia with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Swedish Crown. Materials. The paper reveals the circumstances of establishing contractual relations between Moscow and Bakhchysarai on the basis of unpublished sources. The information from the columns of 1613–1614 about the stay of the embassy of A. Lodyzhensky and P. Danilov in the Crimea from autumn of 1613 to July 1614, the preparation and holding of the embassy congress and exchange of ambassadors at Livny in August 1614, the stay of the embassy of Prince G.K. Volkonsky and P. Ovdokimov in the Crimea in August 1614 – June 1615, the stay of Magmet Chelebi’s embassy in Moscow in September 1614 – March 1615 and, finally, the embassy exchange under Valuyki in July 1615 form a single set of documents that let us trace the course of diplomatic relations between the Moscow Tsardom and the Crimean Khanate in 1613–1615. The decisive stage in difficult and tense diplomatic negotiations of the parties in this period, in our opinion, is the stay of the embassy of Prince Grigory Konstantinovich Volkonsky and clerk Peter Ovdokimov in the Crimea. Results. This article shows the role of relations with the Crimea in general foreign policy of the government of Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich and in the restoration of military and political control over the Lower Volga Region territory.


1970 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-118
Author(s):  
Samuel Oshima Mmolai ◽  
Ushe Makambe

The aim of this study was to examine stakeholder perception of the contribution of vocational education (VE) to the economy of Botswana. A survey design was adopted. The sample included staff of the Ministry of Education, Vocational Colleges and Industry at the time of the study. A questionnaire was used to collect data from 61 respondents. The results confirmed that stakeholders believed that while VE was playing a significant role in fostering economic growth, it did not effectively translate into benefits to its recipients and it also failed to bring industrialisation to Botswana. For stakeholders to realise more benefits from VE, there is need to review the curriculum to become more relevant, ensure that unemployed graduates access finance to start businesses and for the government to attract investment in heavy industry to stimulate industrialisation.


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