scholarly journals Power Sharing and Labour Market: An Autopsy of the Legal Politicisation of the Post-War Congolese Labour Market

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jose Camille INAKA
Keyword(s):  
Labour Market ◽  
Legal Aspect ◽  
Current Trend ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Labour Markets ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Post War

This study analyses the legal aspect of the politicisation of labour market by power-sharing political regime in post-war the transition. Exploring the case of the Congo transition from 2003 to 2006 after the 1998-2002 war, it covers gaps in the literature on the reconstruction of labour markets in post-conflict countries which has paid little attention to the impacts of power-sharing political regimes on post-war labour market reconstructions. It reveals that existing studies overlooked to explain how these power-sharing political regimes can legally and legitimately politicise labour markets. Drawing on Levitt's notion of the legality of power-sharing and theories on African states, this paper argues that although the politicisation of labour market is often decried, the current trend of implementing power-sharing regimes in post-war African countries results in the politicisation of their labour markets. This paper further argues that Congolese post-war rebuilding policies, namely the Pretoria Agreement and the constitution of the transition (2003-2006), legitimated and legalised the politicisation of the Congolese public sector labour market from 2003 to 2006. These arguments have emerged from the results of qualitative research conducted in Kinshasa from 2016 to 2017 and from 2018 to 2019. The results inform that the Congolese public labour market was legally politicised, peculiarly characterised by plethora of decision makers, and purely disorganised during the 2003-2006 transition. These realities had led to the failure of the Congolese public market reforms at that time.

POWER-SHARING AND NATIONAL COMMUNITY FORMATION: UNDERSTANDING BOSNIA’S EXPERIENCE

2021 ◽  
pp. 127-153
Author(s):  
Irina Kudryashova ◽  
Elena Meleskina
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Successful Implementation ◽  
Quarter Century ◽  
Dual Nature ◽  
National Community ◽  
Post Conflict

The article explores the experience of power-sharing, i.e. consociational democracy, established in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) after the end of the ethnic war a quarter century ago. The authors’ attention is aimed at identifying a balance between the broad autonomy of the three major ethnocultural groups (segments) and the formation of a national community and common civic identity. Knowing this balance makes it possible to determine the prospects for political stability and development. For this purpose, the system of political institutions in BiH is considered, and its specificity is highlighted. Data-based analysis allows to define a number of negative trends in the Bosnian political process, in particular, the weakening of the democratic potential of the political regime, as well as the deterioration of the quality of governance and civil society’s activities. The observed rise in political participation is assessed as ineffective, since it hasn’t been accompanied by an increase in authorities’ responsibility and ability to solve acute political and socioeconomic problems. In particular, despite widespread support for the European perspective, party leaders haven’t been able to agree on the constitutional reform that is required to obtain official EU candidate status. The BiH parties’ analysis reveals their interest in promoting the ethno-nationalist discourse for keeping control over the economic and political resources of their communities. It is also noted that the role of international actors in BiH is of a dual nature: they maintain the required level of stability, but some of their decisions provoke strengthening of the nationalist forces. In the framework of the Bosnian case, the importance of the elites’ consent to joint participation in power and cooperation can be viewed as the most important condition for the successful implementation of power-sharing institutions and practices in post-conflict societies.

Living with Heterogeneity

2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 304-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Guss ◽  
David S. Siroky
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Institutional Design ◽  
Economic Incentives ◽  
Ethnic Violence ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Institutional Reforms ◽  
Coalition Politics ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Post War

Abstract Short of partition, many scholars hold that consociational arrangements are the most effective democratic institutional mechanisms to manage ethnic differences and maintain peace in nations and groups recently engaged in violent ethnic conflict. Many countries have implemented consociational arrangements to redress identity-based conflicts over recognition and resources, but the empirical record is mixed at best. Restoring moderate politics and democratic order in ethnically divided societies after war is difficult. Consociationalism, however, is usually not the best or the only option. Consociationalism fails as a viable post-conflict political system, we argue, because it tends to reinforce centrifugal politics and to reify identity-based cleavages. The implementation of centripetal social and institutional reforms, which foster political and economic incentives for communities to reintegrate refugees, diversify existing populations, and engage in coalition politics, is more likely to restore moderation and minimize the risk of renewed ethnic violence. We explore these arguments using the critical case of Bosnia, drawing on examples from other parts of the world that have faced similar challenges. We argue that efforts to balance majority rule and the rights of the constituent peoples in Bosnia have created an unwieldy power-sharing architecture that satisfies none of the parties and is unable to govern. Post-war and deeply divided democracies, such as Bosnia, require reforms that move towards a centripetal, incentives-based approach to institutional design.

Love and Betrayal: The Political Economy of Youth Violence in Post-War Sierra Leone

2015 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-660 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luisa Enria
Keyword(s):  
Labour Market ◽  
Urban Youth ◽  
Youth Violence ◽  
Youth Unemployment ◽  
Security Risk ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Political Networks ◽  
Cast Doubt ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Relationship

ABSTRACTYouth unemployment is often presented as a security risk in post-conflict countries, yet the relationship between labour market exclusion and engagement in violence remains little understood. This paper opens up one aspect of this relationship, analysing how the employment aspirations of Sierra Leone's marginal youth relate to their decisions to take part in political unrest. Telling the stories of urban youth involved to varying degrees in violent episodes shows how violence is used as a tactic to signal loyalty to political strongmen. Such loyalty is hoped to result in the establishment of relations of reciprocity that will offer a road to socially valued employment. Comparing the experiences of two groups of young people, similar in their socio-economic background and experience of violence but different in their collocation in political networks, reveals two things. Firstly, availability for violence was insufficient to achieve durable incorporation, as pre-existing social ties determined the nature of recruitment. Secondly, as even those embedded in politicians’ networks of reciprocity appeared ultimately unable to escape marginality, their experiences cast doubt on the expediency of using violence as a way into the labour market, making the exploitative nature of these relations starkly evident.

New forms of intra-European migration, labour market dynamics and social inequality in Europe

2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roland Verwiebe ◽  
Laura Wiesböck ◽  
Roland Teitzer
Keyword(s):  
Labour Market ◽  
Social Inequality ◽  
Social Stratification ◽  
Labour Markets ◽  
Second Step ◽  
Market Dynamics ◽  
Migration Patterns ◽  
European Continent ◽  
The Past ◽  
European Migration

This article deals mainly with new forms of Intra-European migration, processes of integration and inequality, and the dynamics of emerging transnational labour markets in Europe. We discuss these issues against the background of fundamental changes which have been taking place on the European continent over the past two decades. Drawing on available comparative European data, we examine, in a first step, whether the changes in intra-European migration patterns have been accompanied by a differentiation of the causes of migration. In a second step, we discuss the extent to which new forms of transnational labour markets have been emerging within Europe and their effects on systems of social stratification.

State-run celebration of Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia (based on audiovisual sources)

2019 ◽  
pp. 251-268
Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Experience ◽  
History Of ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.

The Role of Migration in the Formation of Regional Labour Markets Amidst the Second Wave of Depopulation in Modern Russia

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 26-36
Author(s):  
A. V. Topilin ◽  
A. S. Maksimova
Keyword(s):  
Labour Market ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Labour Markets ◽  
Labour Migration ◽  
Sample Surveys ◽  
Balance Sheets ◽  
Permanent Migration ◽  
Regional Labour Markets ◽  
The Impact

The article reflects the results of a study of the impact of migration on regional labour markets amidst a decline in the working-age population in Russia. After substantiating the relevance of the issues under consideration, the authors propose a methodological analysis toolkit, the author’s own methodology for calculating the coefficients of permanent long-term external and internal labour migration in regional labour markets, and the coefficient of total migration burden. In addition, the authors provide an overview of the information and statistical base of the study. According to current migration records, data of Rosstat sample surveys on Russian labour migrants leaving for employment in other regions, regional labour resources balance sheets based on the calculated coefficients of labour market pressures, the authors analyzed the impact of migration on the Russian regional labour markets over the past decade. It revealed an increasing role of internal labour migration in many regions, primarily in the largest economic agglomerations and oil and gas territories. At the same time, the role of external labour migration remains stable and minimum indicators of the contribution of permanent migration to the formation of regional labour markets continue to decrease. It has been established that irrational counter flows of external and internal labour migration have developed, which indicates not only an imbalance in labour demand and supply but also a discrepancy between the qualitative composition of migrants and the needs of the economy. It is concluded that the state does not effectively regulate certain types of migration, considering its impact on the labour market. The authors justified the need for conducting regular household sample surveys according to specific programs to collect information about labour migrants and the conditions for using their labour. In addition to the current migration records, using interregional analysis, this information allows making more informed decisions at the federal and regional levels to correct the negative situation that has developed in the regional labour markets even before the coronavirus pandemic had struck.

Labour market disadvantage or poor health upon arrival? An examination of the native–immigrant gap in early retirement on a disability pension

2021 ◽  
pp. 000169932110228
Author(s):  
Jeevitha Yogachandiran Qvist ◽  
Hans-Peter Y Qvist
Keyword(s):  
Labour Market ◽  
Disability Pension ◽  
Early Retirement ◽  
Register Data ◽  
Labour Markets ◽  
Poor Health ◽  
Health Differences ◽  
A Minor ◽  
Efficiency And Productivity ◽  
Advanced Capitalist

Non-Western immigrants in Scandinavia have a higher risk of early retirement on a disability pension than natives, but the reasons are unclear. One theory is that increased demands for standardization, efficiency and productivity in advanced capitalist labour markets, such as the Scandinavian market, cause expulsion of the weakest and least qualified individuals from the labour market, including a disproportionate share of non-Western immigrants. Another theory is that non-Western immigrants already have poorer health than natives upon arrival in Scandinavia. This article examines the extent to which the native–immigrant gap in early retirement on a disability pension is explained by non-Western immigrants’ disadvantaged position in the labour market when pre-existing health differences are controlled for. To this end, we draw on Danish register data, including all disability pensions granted in 2003–2012 to natives and non-Western immigrants who arrived in Denmark in 1998. Our results suggest that a minor proportion of the native–immigrant gap in disability pensions is explained by non-Western immigrants’ health upon arrival, whereas the vast majority of the gap is explained by non-Western immigrants’ disadvantaged position in the labour market.

scholarly journals Sri Lanka: Physical Reconstruction and Economic Development as Conflict Prevention Factors

2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (69) ◽  
pp. 55-76
Author(s):  
Boženko Đevoić
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Sri Lanka ◽  
External Pressure ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Sri Lankan ◽  
Conflict Prevention ◽  
Prevention Measures ◽  
Postconflict Reconstruction ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
The Government

ABSTRACT This article gives an overview of the 26 year long ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka and examines physical reconstruction and economic development as measures of conflict prevention and postconflict reconstruction. During the years of conflict, the Sri Lankan government performed some conflict prevention measures, but most of them caused counter effects, such as the attempt to provide “demilitarization”, which actually increased militarization on both sides, and “political power sharing” that was never honestly executed. Efforts in post-conflict physical reconstruction and economic development, especially after 2009, demonstrate their positive capacity as well as their conflict sensitivity. Although the Sri Lankan government initially had to be forced by international donors to include conflict sensitivity in its projects, more recently this has changed. The government now practices more conflict sensitivity in its planning and execution of physical reconstruction and economic development projects without external pressure.

Building States to Build Peace? A Critical Analysis

2008 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 60-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles T. Call
Keyword(s):  
Critical Analysis ◽  
State Capacity ◽  
International Peace ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Strong State ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Post War ◽  
External Actors ◽  
State Functions

Agencies throughout the development, humanitarian, political and defence fields have recently endorsed the centrality of state institutions in post-war peacebuilding. But how can external actors go about peacebuilding in a way that reinforces effective and legitimate states without doing harm? Drawing on an International Peace Institute project, this article calls into question the assumption that peacebuilding can be boiled down to building state institutions. The article argues that the process of building states can actually undermine peace, postulating five tensions between peacebuilding and statebuilding even as it asserts that strong state institutions remain crucial for consolidating peace. Identifying three crucial state functions for peacebuilding, the article emphasises the complex interrelationships among legitimacy, state capacity and security in post-conflict societies.

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