Peran Indivindu dalam Dunia Internasional Studi Kasus: Upaya Nadia Murad, Sang Wanita Peraih Nobel Perdamaian Melawan Ketiranian ISIS

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venisa Yunita Sari

Nadia Murad Basee Taha is a Human Rights Activist, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize in 2018. Nadia Murad was one of the victims of ISIS-related atrocities in 2014. She is one of 6,500 Yazidi women who can be arbitrarily questioned by ISIS militia. Therefore, after being freed from ISIS incarceration, Nadia Murad have been vigorously campaigning to fight for both children and adults’ rights, who were still shackled in the grip of ISIS. This study uses the theory of feminism which then supported by policies, values, norms, and public opinion that have an impact on international realm. This research then formulates answers to research questions relating to the role of individuals in the international world. Through qualitative with descriptive methods, the data sources in this paper come from literature studies by studying books, journals, and research reports. The results of this paper are divided into two important points in explaining the efforts of Nadia Murad in fighting for minority rights in Iraq to be free from the shackles of ISIS. First, Nadia Murad's background. Second, the role of Nadia Murad to fight for and save ISIS prisoners.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-31
Author(s):  
Venisa Yunita Sari

Nadia Murad Basee Taha is a Human Rights Activist, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize in 2018. Nadia Murad was one of the victims of ISIS-related atrocities in 2014. She is one of 6,500 Yazidi women who can be arbitrarily questioned by ISIS militia. Therefore, after being freed from ISIS incarceration, Nadia Murad have been vigorously campaigning to fight for both children and adults’ rights, who were still shackled in the grip of ISIS. This study uses the theory of feminism which then supported by policies, values, norms, and public opinion that have an impact on international realm. This research then formulates answers to research questions relating to the role of individuals in the international world. Through qualitative with descriptive methods, the data sources in this paper come from literature studies by studying books, journals, and research reports. The results of this paper are divided into two important points in explaining the efforts of Nadia Murad in fighting for minority rights in Iraq to be free from the shackles of ISIS. First, Nadia Murad's background. Second, the role of Nadia Murad to fight for and save ISIS prisoners.


Author(s):  
Brian Drohan

This study seeks to bring international histories of human rights into closer dialogue with military histories of insurgent movements and counterinsurgency warfare. Both military historians and historians of human rights have largely ignored the role of rights activists in shaping wartime policies and practices. This book examines the effects of human rights activism during British counterinsurgency campaigns in Cyprus (1955-1959), Aden (1963-1967), and Northern Ireland (emphasizing 1969-1976). The book argues that in response to human rights activism, British officials developed new ways of covering up their abuses by denying allegations, deflecting criticism, and evading attempts to enforce accountability. Consequently, activists’ efforts and government responses to them linked the metaphorical battlefield of law, diplomacy, propaganda, and public opinion with the physical battlefield of ambushes, house searches, arrests, and interrogations. Focusing the analytical lens on activists and the officials with whom they interacted places human rights activists on the counterinsurgency “battlefield”—not as traditional arms-bearing combatants, but as actors who nonetheless influenced counterinsurgency policies and practices.


Author(s):  
Joshua Castellino ◽  
Elvira Domínguez Redondo

This book analyzes the minority rights legal regimes in India, China, Malaysia, and Singapore, and places the discussion in the context of a wider debate on human rights in Asia. It takes a multi-disciplinary approach, including comparative constitutional analysis, international relations, and social and cultural anthropology. The book contains detailed case studies, which are supported by critical commentary. India and China, the world's most populous states, face similar problems vis-à-vis minorities, yet tackle these using starkly different techniques. Malaysia and Singapore, vocal in their articulation of ‘Asian Values’, have taken opposing stances over minority rights. Malaysia has sought to establish Malay hegemony using minority rights tools in favour of the majority, while Singapore deliberately adopted a doctrine of meritocracy, nonetheless emphasising ethnic fault-lines within its population. Together the four states reflect not only the complex layers of culture and identity within Asian states, but also the vastly different political systems and contrasting conceptions of the role of law in the continent. Through its examination of minority rights theory and its application in specific cases, this book provides a useful comparative model for the assessment of other states within Asia, thereby taking an important first step towards understanding the situation of minorities within the entire continent.


Info ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 33-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Damian Tambini ◽  
Sharif Labo

Purpose Digital intermediaries such as Google and Facebook are seen as the new powerbrokers in online news, controlling access to consumers and with the potential even to suppress and target messages to individuals. Academics, publishers and policymakers have raised concerns about the implications of this new power, from the impact on media plurality to implications for democratic discourse, freedom of speech and control over public opinion formation. After reviewing academic literature that has raised this concern and public policy addressing it, this paper aims to examine the empirical foundations for these claims. Through secondary analysis of industry data on referrals of online news traffic, the authors find that intermediaries do have the potential to exert significant influence over distribution of online news. The authors however find that not all news that is filtered through intermediary services is subject to the same shaping and editorial forces, in part, because user agency is also an important factor. The role of intermediaries in news distribution is thus complex; headline numbers do not translate automatically into influence due to the complex interplay and exchange between user agency and the editorial influence of intermediaries. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based mainly on a secondary analysis of publicly available data on news referrals, and some data provided by news publishers along with re-analysis of regulatory data from Ofcom and previously unpublished data from the BBC and SimilarWeb. These data sources are combined for the first time to investigate claims regarding the current controversy about media plurality, algorithmic power and transparency. Findings The paper finds that evidence that intermediaries wield concentrated editorial power is mixed. While other, non-intermediated news distribution platforms such as TV and the press remain highly important, online is heading towards being the most important distribution platform, particularly for younger demographics. The authors found that intermediaries such as search and social control access to a significant proportion of online news content. Not all use of intermediaries is indicative of online gatekeeping however. User agency also determines how content is prioritised and thus consumed. The news consumed is therefore a product of a complex interplay between user agency and intermediary influence. In contrast to traditional discussions of media power and its regulation (for example the notion of mass media plurality); it is thus not possible to make inferences on influence simply by noting the market share of intermediaries. The role of intermediaries is much more subtle and opaque. Research limitations/implications This paper is mainly based on publicly available data. It is crucial to find out what is possible with such data as regulators with responsibility for monitoring and regulating media plurality are similarly limited to such data. The implications are that further research with a wide range of methods and data sources will be necessary to update research on media plurality and diversity. Practical implications The implications of these findings are that independent public authorities should have access to much more revealing data about public opinion formation processes, including referrals and other data currently held only by publishers. The three stage analytical framework will be of use to regulators and policymakers currently looking into these issues. Social implications Civil society and public debate about digital intermediaries is currently intensively discussed in policy debate. Taking these debates forward will depend on whether existing public policy frameworks (such as limits on news plurality) are able to accommodate the new challenges such as intermediary influence on news distribution and public opinion formation. Originality/value The recent special issue of INFO, including contributions from Mansell and Helberger, raised a range of similar issues with regard to media plurality and intermediaries. These papers did not seek empirically to examine in depth, using all available publicly relevant data, the implications for media pluralism and diversity in one particular media market. The paper is theoretically original, contains some previously unpublished data and an entirely new empirical and theoretical analysis. The models and tables are previously unpublished.


Author(s):  
Kerenina K. Dansholm

This paper is a case study of student discussions of rights and responsibilities, which contributes to filling the existing knowledge gap on the topic. Tenth grade majority students who participated in three group discussions on inclusive citizenship spoke of rights as belonging to the majority or to the minoritised Other. In line with earlier research findings, students referenced human rights as national rights or values, while making explicit connections between majority rights and minority responsibilities and implicit references to the responsibility of the majority to protect minority rights. This analysis indicates a need in human rights education (HRE) for both legal literacy and a deeper discussion of human rights. This can, for example, be achieved through a focus on the local context so that young people may better understand minority barriers to rights, as well as the role of the majority in issues of social justice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-226
Author(s):  
Bonolo Ramadi Dinokopila ◽  
Rhoda Igweta Murangiri

This article examines the transformation of the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) and discusses the implications of such transformation on the promotion and protection of human rights in Kenya. The article is an exposition of the powers of the Commission and their importance to the realisation of the Bill of Rights under the 2010 Kenyan Constitution. This is done from a normative and institutional perspective with particular emphasis on the extent to which the UN Principles Relating to the Status of National Institutions for the promotion and protection of human rights (the Paris Principles, 1993) have been complied with. The article highlights the role of national human rights commissions in transformative and/or transitional justice in post-conflict Kenya. It also explores the possible complementary relationship(s) between the KNCHR and other Article 59 Commissions for the better enforcement of the bill of rights.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-318
Author(s):  
Roman Girma Teshome

The effectiveness of human rights adjudicative procedures partly, if not most importantly, hinges upon the adequacy of the remedies they grant and the implementation of those remedies. This assertion also holds water with regard to the international and regional monitoring bodies established to receive individual complaints related to economic, social and cultural rights (hereinafter ‘ESC rights’ or ‘socio-economic rights’). Remedies can serve two major functions: they are meant, first, to rectify the pecuniary and non-pecuniary damage sustained by the particular victim, and second, to resolve systematic problems existing in the state machinery in order to ensure the non-repetition of the act. Hence, the role of remedies is not confined to correcting the past but also shaping the future by providing reforming measures a state has to undertake. The adequacy of remedies awarded by international and regional human rights bodies is also assessed based on these two benchmarks. The present article examines these issues in relation to individual complaint procedures that deal with the violation of ESC rights, with particular reference to the case laws of the three jurisdictions selected for this work, i.e. the United Nations, Inter-American and African Human Rights Systems.


2019 ◽  
Vol 76 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 138-148
Author(s):  
Francesco Zammartino

Seventy Years after its proclamation, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, despite not having a binding force for the states, still provides at international level the fundamental text from which the principles and the values for the preservation of liberty and right of people are taken. In this article, the author particularly underlines the importance of Declaration’s article 1, which states: “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights”. With these words the Declaration presses states to undertake economic policies aimed at achieving economic and social progress for all individuals. Unfortunately, we also have to underline the lack of effective social policies in government programs of the E.U. Member States. The author inquires whether it is left to European judges to affirm the importance of social welfare.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Sarkin

This article explores the role of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the role it plays regarding human rights in individual country situations in Africa. It specifically examines the extent to which it has been able to advance a human rights agenda in countries with long-standing human rights problems. The article uses Swaziland/ eSwatini as a lens to examine the matter, because of the longstanding problems that exist in that country. This is done to indicate how the institution works over time on a country’s human rights problems. The article examines a range of institutional structural matters to establish how these issues affect the role of the Commission in its work. The article examines the way in which the Commission uses its various tools, including its communications, the state reporting processes, fact-finding visits, and resolutions, to determine whether those tools are being used effectively. The article examines how the Commission’s processes issues also affect it work. Issues examined negatively affecting the Commission are examined, including problems with the status of its resolutions and communications, limited compliance with its outcomes, and inadequate state cooperation. Reforms necessary to enhance to role and functions of the Commission are surveyed to determine how the institution could become more effective. The African Union’s (AU|) Kagame Report on AU reform is briefly reviewed to examine the limited view and focus of AU reform processes and why AU reform ought to focus on enhancing human rights compliance. The article makes various suggestions on necessary institutional reforms but also as far as the African Commission’s procedures and methods of work to allow it to have a far more effective role in the promotion and protection of human rights on the continent. It is noted that political will by the AU and African states is the largest obstacle to giving the Commission the necessary independence, support and assistance that it needs to play the role in Africa that it should.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document