Are asylum seekers more militant than domestic inhabitants: the case of Serbia?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ljiljana B. Lazarevic ◽  
Goran Knezevic ◽  
Maša Vukčević Marković ◽  
Janko Mileta Međedović ◽  
Boban Petrović ◽  
...  

This study investigates group differences in Militant Extremist Mindset (MEM) measures of Pro-violence, Divine Power, Utopianism, Vile World, and West, together with several variables building its nomological network. The study was based on groups from domicile population living within and outside the conflict zone and a sample of refugees/asylum seekers. We hypothesize that refugees as a group do not present a higher risk for engagement in militant extremism and, consequently, terrorism. Therefore, they do not present security risks for the host countries. Findings show that groups living in a conflict zone tend to endorse all aspects of militant extremism and conservative ideology. Furthermore, our results do not support the widely held belief that refugees are a security threat, as they tend to reject violent extremism as a means to achieve goals.

2017 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 312-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mubashar Hasan

Against the backdrop of 2016 terrorist attack in Dhaka, this article argues that in the terrain of Bangladeshi literatures on migration, little is explored about the impact of south–south migration in unleashing security threat to Bangladesh. This article offers a historic trajectory of south–south migration and security threat to Bangladeshi state. It argues that while it is important to understand migration from various point of views, scholars have ignored to explore the nexus between migration and security threat of the sender state. This article explains why to some Muslim migrants of Bangladesh, bad ideas such as terrorism may seem to form an option and how globalisation played a role in fostering bad ideas. It proposes that scholars of migration require to indulge in further research to understand the nexus between outward migration and security threat to Bangladesh.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Andrea Ghiselli ◽  
Pippa Morgan

Abstract The nexus between China's human and economic presence abroad and its security policy is increasingly important. Within this nexus, this study statistically explores whether and to what extent Chinese contractors reduce the number of Chinese nationals they send to work in North Africa, the Middle East and the Horn of Africa when the security situation in host states worsens. We find no significant evidence that either warnings from Chinese embassies and consulates to leave host countries or expert perceptions of host stability influence the number of Chinese workers. Worker numbers appear to decrease significantly only in the aftermath of large-scale violent events. These findings suggest that Chinese companies are relatively acceptant of security risks and uncertainties, despite the decade-long regulatory efforts of the Chinese government to make them more security-conscious overseas and, thus, to reduce pressure to use diplomatically and economically expensive military means for their protection.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eiad Zinah ◽  
Heba M. Al-Ibrahim

Abstract Introduction Europe has been experiencing a flow of refugees and asylum seekers driven by conflicts or poverty. Their oral health is often neglected despite its clear impact on quality of life. Objective To explore the status of oral health among refugees and asylum seekers groups by examining the available literature and to determine which evidence exists regarding the problems they face in terms of oral health. Methods The current paper followed PRISMA guidelines. A scoping review methodology was followed to retrieve 2911 records from five databases and grey literature. Twelve articles met the following inclusion criteria: experimental research concentrated on the oral and dental health of refugees and/or asylum seekers between 1995 and 2020 in English. Analysis was both descriptive and thematic, whilst a critical appraisal was applied using the Critical Appraisal Skills Program (CASP). Results Seven studies (58,3%) were quantitative, while five studies (41,6%) were qualitative. In general, the quality of most of the studies (83.3%) was good. Limited access to oral health care services was shown with a higher prevalence of oral diseases compared to the native populations of the host countries. Approaches to improve oral health have been implemented in some studies and have shown positive outcomes. Conclusions Oral health care strategies should consider the oral health problems facing refugees in Europe, and oral health promotion campaigns are essential to give adequate guidance on how to access oral health care in the host countries.


Author(s):  
Sefa Secen

Abstract Under what conditions do governments view and respond to the arrival of refugees primarily as a security threat? Comparatively analyzing the securitization of Syrian refugees in two host countries, Turkey and Lebanon, this paper proposes a domestic political context–based theory and typology of securitization. Based on a quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the media data including mainstream national Turkish and Lebanese newspaper articles, this research first differentiates between different levels of securitization and finds that moderate securitization in Lebanon during the early years of the refugee crisis (2013–2014) coincided with an open border policy, inaction, legal ambiguity, and benign neglect. From 2015, a marked increase of securitization in Lebanon coincided with controlled borders, restrictive policies, and heightened tension. Securitization of Syrian refugees has followed a somewhat different trajectory in Turkey, where the state switched from non-recognition (2013–2014) to recognition (2014–2016) and then from recognition to integration (2016–present), while a decrease in securitization mapped onto this policy trajectory despite the opposition's and the public's increasing discontentment with the presence of refugees. Then, this paper argues that the low level of securitization in Turkey is an outcome of the incumbent party's Islamist political ideology that motivates transnational religious solidarity, whereas the high level of securitization in Lebanon is a consequence of elite divisions and the country's unique historical experiences with Palestinian refugees that engender competing security perspectives and agendas on Syrian refugees. Overall, this study demonstrates how contextual or domestic factors are key to explaining government attitudes toward refugee groups and contributes to our understanding of the sources and processes of securitization.


2013 ◽  
Vol 103 (3) ◽  
pp. e30-e42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Kalt ◽  
Mazeda Hossain ◽  
Ligia Kiss ◽  
Cathy Zimmerman

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-263
Author(s):  
Magda Pischetola ◽  
Clio Sozzani

The article aims to investigate the relation between migration and digital technologies, in particular the way in which connectivity contributes to new forms of social inclusion. The study presented explores asylum seekers’ digital connections in relation to affective belonging, focusing on how social media enhance new forms of relationship between the homeland and host countries, as well as across migration flows. The research draws from the humanities and social sciences, proposing a qualitative methodology based on in-depth interviews with five migrants from the Middle East and Africa, who are hosted in a temporary camp for asylum seekers in Italy. It focuses on the way in which they remain connected to their home countries and how they try, at the same time, to create new relationships in the host country. The results outline how different forms of communication and digital networking impact on the migrants’ settling into new lives at the local and transnational level.


Author(s):  
Diego Muro

Spain has experienced four waves of terrorism during the twentieth century: anarchist, nationalist, left-wing, and religious. This chapter examines the variety and intensity of terrorist incidents of the last two waves, as well as the counter-terrorist efforts since 1975. The argument is structured as follows: First, the chapter accounts for the longevity of the main campaigns of indiscriminate violence against civilians. Second, it evaluates the interaction between the security and intelligence services and the various clandestine groups, and argues that the process of democratization increased the effectiveness of counterterrorism, particularly against ETA. The section further argues that collective security is a relational act that brings two self-interested actors—the state and the terrorist group—into conflict with each other, and that it is not possible to study campaigns of political violence in isolation. Third, the chapter critically assesses the security threat posed by Salafi jihadist cells, which were responsible for the attacks on Madrid (2004) and Barcelona (2017), and examines the ongoing agenda of countering and preventing violent extremism in Spain.


2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (10) ◽  
pp. 3990-3996
Author(s):  
Amritesh Kumar Sharma ◽  
Arun Kumar Singh ◽  
Pankaj P. Singh

New technologies have always created new areas of concern for information security teams. Usually it provides time for the development of effective security controls. The rapid growth of the smartphone in market and the use of these devices for so many sensitive data have led to the emergence of security threat. A malicious user or malware on a device can create a number of risks for an organization, and so the fact that these devices are not necessarily connected does not translate to a lack of security risks. This paper will discuss why it is important to secure an Android device, what some of the potential vulnerabilities are, and security measures that can be introduced to provide a baseline of security of data on Google’s mobile OS


SIASAT ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 16-22
Author(s):  
Stephen, K. Rotich ◽  
Warfa, O. Ahmed

The purpose of the study was to investigate the relationship between the drivers of intra-clan-based conflicts and the involvement of external actors that has remained indefinable in Garissa County. The three sub-counties: Garissa Township, Ijara and Fafi were purposively selected for the study because of prolonged and unresolved intra-clan conflicts coupled with militia group of Al-Shabaab attacks over the past years. Qualitative approach was used to seek understanding of drivers of intra-clan conflicts and involvement of violent extremism. The study involves primarily 35 Key Informants drawn from security agencies, Clan elders, Religious leaders and Civil societies across the three sub-counties. The study established that competition over natural resources: water; pasture and land are the main causes of intra-clan conflicts. The respondents attest that intra-clan conflicts have been accelerated by clan identity politics, poverty, illiteracy, unemployment and Al-Shabaab infiltration. The devolution has elevated competition for political leadership due to sharing of county resources and employment along the sub-clans. The study found some respondents attributing Kenya’s military operation in Somalia to reciprocal attacks by Al-Shabaab in the county. The research established that over the years, Somali clan conflicts and hostility have spilled over into North Eastern Kenya, creating security threat and undermining community peace and cohesion. The porous border of Kenya-Somali has made it easy for some sub-clans to communicate with their kinsmen’s counterparts and obtain guns that are readily available in Somalia. The perception of injustices and sense of marginalization amongst the Muslims have provided fertile ground for Al-Shabaab which has diverted attention of security agencies to violent extremism rather than clan conflicts. The study recommends enhancement of inclusive peace committee and collaboration of community with administration and security agencies to tie together peace. There is also a need for openness of politicians to advocate for impartiality, clan conflicts resolution and countering violent extremism through policy framework in the county assembly.


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