scholarly journals Identifying the domains of ideological similarities and differences in attitudes

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Kubin ◽  
Mark John Brandt
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Value Orientations ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Implicit Measures ◽  
Religious Ideology ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Elective Affinities ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Insight Into

Liberals and conservatives disagree, but are there some domains where we are more or less likely to observe ideological differences? To map the types of attitudes where we may be more or less likely to observe ideological differences, we draw on two approaches, the elective affinities approach, which suggests individual differences explains differences between liberals and conservatives, and the divergent content approach, which posits the key distinction between ideologues are their value orientations. The goal of the current research was to explore when and why liberals and conservatives disagree. We tested whether ideological differences are more likely to emerge in attitudes characterized by threat, complexity, morality, political ideology, religious ideology, or harm (as compared to objects not characterized by these domains) using both explicit and implicit measures of 190 attitude objects. While all domains predicted ideological differences, the political domain was the only significant predictor of ideological differences when controlling for the other domains. This study provides insight into which attitudes we are most and least likely to find ideological differences.

Institutional Change, Industrial Transitions, and Regime Resistance Politics

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Hess
Keyword(s):  
Policy Reform ◽  
Energy Transition ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Industrial Change ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Empirical Material ◽  
The U.S

The chapter focuses on the processes of industrial change in relationship to social movements. It builds on two literatures, one on institutional logics and the other on industrial transitions, and shows similarities and differences between the two literatures. It then examines the problem of resistance from industrial regime organizations or incumbent. Empirical material is based on the case of regime resistance to energy transition policies in the U.S., where the incumbent organizations have closed down the political opportunity structure for policy reform. It then draws on research that discusses three strategies that industrial transition coalitions can use to overcome regime resistance: countervailing industrial power (finding allies in neighboring industries), ideological judo (using regime ideology and frames to advance transition policies), and dual-use design (building coalitions by redefining energy transition policies in terms of a different institutional logic).

Value Orientations and Systemic Changes in Montenegro, 1989-2015

Südosteuropa ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-244
Author(s):  
Mladen Lazić
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Social Reproduction ◽  
Political Liberalism ◽  
Value Orientations ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Socialism ◽  
Linear Trajectory ◽  
Political Subsystem ◽  
Value Changes

Abstract The author analyses changes in value orientations in Montenegro between 1989 and 2015, examining on the basis of survey data the changes in the values that regulated the economic and political subsystems. He looks first at the period immediately preceding the breakdown of state socialism, in order to identify the spread of values relevant to the regulation of an economic subsystem which may be labelled ‘redistributive statism’, and ‘authoritarian collectivism’ within the political subsystem. He then shows how far Montenegrin society was penetrated by values pertinent to the competitive capitalist order, as well as to economic and political liberalism. He examines the changes in the modes of social reproduction and demonstrates how liberal values in fact replaced the previously dominant redistributive and authoritarian-collectivist ones. Not least, the author establishes that value changes occurred on many levels rather than simply following a linear trajectory from one system to the other.

scholarly journals Content Analysis Of 2015 Election Political Advertisments In Selected National Dailies Of Nigeria

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sunday Olayinka Alawode ◽  
Olufunke Oluseyi Adesanya
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Web Based ◽  
Political Advertisements ◽  
The Press ◽  
Media Politics ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Guardian

The Nigerian Press in its 156 years of existence from the Reverend Henry Townsend days has been enmeshed in politics and is in fact insoluble from it like Siamese twins. From its debut in November 23rd 1859 with “Iwe Iroyin fun Awon Ara Egba ati Yoruba” (Newspaper for the Egbas and Yorubas) the press has taken centre stage in matters affecting all spheres of individual life and collective existence including religion, education, economy and politics among others. Thenewspaper was actually noted to have educated the growing publics about history and politics of the time. The growth in media has given room for political parties to reach larger groups of constituents, and tailor their adverts to reach new demographics. Unlike the campaigns of the past, advances in media have streamlined the process, giving candidates more optionsto reach even larger group of constituents with very little physical efforts. Political advertising is a form of campaign used by political parties to reach and influence voters. It can include several different mediums and span several months over the course of a political campaign and the main aim is to sway the audience one way or the other. Political advertisements involve the use of advertising campaigns by politicians to bring their messages to the masses or the electorates in order to explain policy, inform citizens and connect people to their leaders. It is a form of campaigning by political candidates to reach and influence voters through diverse media (including web based media). Politics on the other hand has to do with activities involved in getting and using power in public life, and being able to influence decisions that affect a country or a society. Thus political advertisement in the context of this study are strategically placed information deliberately informing the populace or making public activities or personalities as well as political parties and ideologies in order to get and use power by placing such information in the newspapers. The Punch, The Guardian, Vanguard and Daily Trust were purposively selected for the study investigating prominence of political advertisements featured before, during and after the elections; contents as the pictures, logos, texts, and languages majorly used in the political advertisements; and adversarial or the slants/directions of the March 28th Presidential and April 11th 2015 Assemblies Elections.Content categories include language, logo/icon/symbols, issue/personality/event/activity, visuals/pix, size, colour, political ideology among others. The study reveals that political adverts were prominent in the newspapers during the six-month period with the dominance of full page adverts, mostly inside-page adverts, aspirant-filled pictures, PDP-dominated and coloured adverts, largely favourable and friendly adverts with rational appeal going before testimony appeals. It further shows that Punch closely followed by Guardian had the highest adverts, while PDP and APC dominated the political landscape with low presence of adversarial contents. The study recommends more ethical monitoring of political adverts as well as the de-commodification of newspaper contents.

scholarly journals Language and Its Limits: Meaning, Reference and the Ineffable in Buddhist Philosophy

Topoi ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Blomberg ◽  
Przemysław Żywiczyński
Keyword(s):  
Philosophy Of Language ◽  
Buddhist Philosophy ◽  
The Other ◽  
Conceptual Thinking ◽  
Linguistic Description ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Buddhist Doctrine ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
The One ◽  
Insight Into

AbstractBuddhist schools of thought share two fundamental assumptions about language. On the one hand, language (śabda) is identified with conceptual thinking (kalpanā), which according to the Buddhist doctrine (dharma) separates us from the momentary and fleeting nature of reality (satya, “truth”). Language is comprised of generally applicable forms, which fuel the reificatory proclivity for clinging to the distorted – and ultimately fictious – belief in substantial existence. On the other hand, the distrust of language is mitigated by the doctrine of ineffability (anirdeśya), which although asserts that reality is beyond the scope of linguistic description, submits that philosophical analyses of key Buddhist concepts is a means of overcoming the limitations that language imposes on our experience and facilitating insight into the nature of reality (bodhi). This paper provides an overview of Buddhist philosophy of language, with an emphasis on the dialectical view of language as indispensable but ultimately insufficient for contemplation. The Buddhist discussions of ineffability are explicated and compared with its treatment in modern Occidental thought, specifically the similarities and differences with Wittgenstein’s philosophy of language.

For Girls Only

2021 ◽  
pp. 312-332
Author(s):  
Helen Roche
Keyword(s):  
Young Women ◽  
The Other ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
Growing Up ◽  
Women And Gender ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The One

The schools for girls at Hubertendorf-Türnitz, Heythuysen, Colmar-Berg, and Achern are the least well-known and well-understood component of the Napola system. This chapter begins by giving an account of how the girls’ schools came into being, their aims, and the heated ministerial debates which dogged their foundation. It then describes everyday life at the girls’ schools, and the similarities and differences between their curriculum and that of the boys’ schools. Finally, it sites the aims and practice of the so-called Mädchen-Napolas within recent historiography on women and gender in Nazi Germany. The political infighting which the girls’ schools provoked, the lack of clarity surrounding their programme, and the piecemeal and contested nature of their development, reflect the fundamental flexibility (or incoherence) of the Nazi state’s attitude towards the ‘women question’ more generally. On the one hand, the girls who attended the Mädchen-Napolas were educated to believe that growing up female in Nazi Germany need be no bar to experiencing comradeship, leadership, and a successful career, and they were given an education broadly analogous to that of their male counterparts. On the other hand, the girls were still trained to see taking care of a husband and family as an ultimate good; their later public or political roles would have been largely limited to the state-sanctioned female spheres of the Nazi womens’ and girls’ organizations, and the caring professions. Ultimately, the Mädchen-Napolas demonstrate, in microcosm, both the scope and the totalitarian restrictions inherent in Nazi attitudes towards young women.

scholarly journals Befogadók vagy jogvédők?

Educatio ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-349
Author(s):  
Katalin Forray R. ◽  
Tamás Kozma
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Social Policy ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Legal Protection ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
The 1960S

Összefoglaló. A befogadás (inklúzió) eredetileg a szegénypolitika (szociálpolitika) szakkifejezése volt. Onnan terjedt át a társadalompolitikába és a pedagógiába (gyógypedagógia). A Lisszaboni Egyezmény (2000) óta az Európai Unió hivatalos állásfoglalásaiban visszatérően szerepel mint törekvés a „társadalmi kohézió” erősítésére. A jogvédelem eredete visszanyúlik az 1960-as évtized amerikai polgárjogi mozgalmára. Két eset ismertetésével a szerzők bemutatják a kétféle mozgalom hasonlóságait és különbségeit; összekapcsolva őket a roma/cigány oktatáspolitika dilemmáival. A roma/cigány szegénység még mindig szükségessé teszi a befogadás politikáját. Ugyanakkor a szegénységből kiemelkedő roma/cigány középosztály köreiben erősödik a politizálás szándéka és a jogvédelem igénye. Summary. “Inclusion” has initially been a social policy term. Its use spread from there to policies of welfare, healthcare and education (special education). Inclusion has repeatedly mentioned since the Treaty of Lisbon (2007) in European Union resolutions as an effort to strengthen “social cohesion”. “Legal protection”, on the other hand, goes back to the American civil rights movement of the 1960s. By describing two Hungarian cases, the authors present the similarities and differences between the two policies; linking them to the dilemmas of Roma education policy. Inclusion as a social policy is still necessary because of existing Roma poverties. At the same time, the intention to politicize and the need for legal protection is growing among the new Roma middle class, which emerges out of poverty and steps into the political arena.

scholarly journals A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE UNCITRAL MODEL LAW ON CROSS-BORDER INSOLVENCY AND EU INSOLVENCY REGULATION 2017, AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF VARIOUS SOURCES OF CROSSBORDER INSOLVENCY LAW

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Primrose E.R. Kurasha
Keyword(s):  
Common Law ◽  
The Other ◽  
Insolvency Law ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Insolvency Regulation ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Model Law ◽  
Compare And Contrast ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
The Eu

In this investigation, I will compare and contrast the UNCITRAL model law on cross-border insolvency law (hereafter referred to as ‘UNCITRAL model law’) with the EU Insolvency Regulation against the backdrop of various sources or dispensations of cross-border insolvency law. In this comparison, I will highlight the similarities and differences between the two, as well as discuss the other sources in depth, as they largely inform my research. My main aim in including the other sources in this comparative study is to provide deeper insight into these two sources of international cross-border insolvency law, as provided for by academics and sages in the field of insolvency law. These other sources include legislation, common law, treaties and regional dispensations.

Embedded in a Culture

2020 ◽  
pp. 167-186
Author(s):  
Kornélia Lazányi ◽  
Péter Holicza
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
International Literature ◽  
Positive Experience ◽  
National Cultures ◽  
Different Dimensions ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Basic Approaches ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
Tools And Methods

In the international literature, national cultures are still an evergreen topic. Even though - contrarily to previous decades' civilizational focus - the attention has shifted to leveraging benefits of multicultural environments and experiences. According to Huntington, nations belonging to different civilizations will never be able to work together smoothly, owing to the principal differences in their values, beliefs and behavior stemming from them. There are theorists, however, who think the differences can never be too big if there is willingness and positive experience with the other culture. Different dimensions characterize national cultures. While some state to identify radical differences between two countries, others do not identify such. This chapter, after offering an insight into the basic approaches of national cultures, endeavors to analyze two discrete cultures (Russian, Hungarian) and presents the similarities and differences of them, along with tools and methods that are able to support the collaboration of people and organizations belonging to them.

scholarly journals Absolute Certainty and Political Ideology: A Systematic Test of Curvilinearity

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas H Costello
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Absolute Certainty ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
The One

The present investigation examined curvilinear relations between left-right political ideology, on the one hand, and absolute certainty and dogmatism, on the other, across six community samples (N = 2889). Ideological extremists were more likely than others to be absolutely certain: about 1 in 3 extremists reported being absolutely (i.e., 100%) certain of the correctness of their political beliefs, whereas about 1 in 15 non-extremists reported being absolutely certain. Although absolute political certainty was relatively symmetrical across the political left and right, conservatives tended to report greater domain-general dogmatism than liberals. Extremism effects for domain-general dogmatism were also present, however, such that Socialists and extreme conservatives demonstrated similar levels of dogmatism. Taken together, these findings underscore the complexity of relations between absolute certainty, dogmatism, and ideology, ultimately challenging the sufficiency of contemporary psychological accounts of ideological a/symmetries to describe our complex political reality.

scholarly journals Investigating the Conservatism-Disgust Paradox in Reactions to the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Critical Reexamination of the Interrelations between Political Ideology, Disgust Sensitivity, and Pandemic Response

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Ruisch ◽  
Shelby Boggs ◽  
Courtney Moore ◽  
Javier Granados Samayoa ◽  
Jesse T. Ladanyi ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Self Report ◽  
Disgust Sensitivity ◽  
Disease Avoidance ◽  
Potent Predictor ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Political Conservatism ◽  
Pandemic Response ◽  
Insight Into

Research has documented robust associations between greater disgust sensitivity and (1) concern about disease, and (2) political conservatism. However, the COVID-19 disease pandemic raised challenging questions about these associations. In particular, why have conservatives—despite their greater disgust sensitivity—exhibited less concern about the pandemic? Here, we aim to resolve this “conservatism-disgust paradox” and address several outstanding theoretical questions regarding the interrelations between disgust sensitivity, ideology, and pandemic response. In four studies (N=1,764), we identify several methodological and conceptual factors—in particular, an overreliance on self-report measures—that likely inflated, or even wholly created, the apparent associations between these constructs. Using non-self-report measures, we find that disgust sensitivity is a far less potent predictor of disease avoidance than is typically believed, and that ideological differences in disgust sensitivity may be limited to self-report measures. These findings help resolve this paradox, while providing important insight into the nature of these associations.

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