scholarly journals Investigating the Conservatism-Disgust Paradox in Reactions to the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Critical Reexamination of the Interrelations between Political Ideology, Disgust Sensitivity, and Pandemic Response

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Ruisch ◽  
Shelby Boggs ◽  
Courtney Moore ◽  
Javier Granados Samayoa ◽  
Jesse T. Ladanyi ◽  
...  

Research has documented robust associations between greater disgust sensitivity and (1) concern about disease, and (2) political conservatism. However, the COVID-19 disease pandemic raised challenging questions about these associations. In particular, why have conservatives—despite their greater disgust sensitivity—exhibited less concern about the pandemic? Here, we aim to resolve this “conservatism-disgust paradox” and address several outstanding theoretical questions regarding the interrelations between disgust sensitivity, ideology, and pandemic response. In four studies (N=1,764), we identify several methodological and conceptual factors—in particular, an overreliance on self-report measures—that likely inflated, or even wholly created, the apparent associations between these constructs. Using non-self-report measures, we find that disgust sensitivity is a far less potent predictor of disease avoidance than is typically believed, and that ideological differences in disgust sensitivity may be limited to self-report measures. These findings help resolve this paradox, while providing important insight into the nature of these associations.

2015 ◽  
Vol 112 (27) ◽  
pp. 8250-8253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua J. Clarkson ◽  
John R. Chambers ◽  
Edward R. Hirt ◽  
Ashley S. Otto ◽  
Frank R. Kardes ◽  
...  

Evidence from three studies reveals a critical difference in self-control as a function of political ideology. Specifically, greater endorsement of political conservatism (versus liberalism) was associated with greater attention regulation and task persistence. Moreover, this relationship is shown to stem from varying beliefs in freewill; specifically, the association between political ideology and self-control is mediated by differences in the extent to which belief in freewill is endorsed, is independent of task performance or motivation, and is reversed when freewill is perceived to impede (rather than enhance) self-control. Collectively, these findings offer insight into the self-control consequences of political ideology by detailing conditions under which conservatives and liberals are better suited to engage in self-control and outlining the role of freewill beliefs in determining these conditions.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Ruisch ◽  
Courtney A. Moore ◽  
Javier Granados Samayoa ◽  
Shelby Boggs ◽  
Jesse T. Ladanyi ◽  
...  

The COVID-19 disease pandemic is one of the most pressing global health issues of our time. Nevertheless, responses to the pandemic exhibit a stark ideological divide, with political conservatives (versus liberals/progressives) expressing less concern about the virus and less behavioral compliance with efforts to combat it. Drawing from decades of research on the psychological underpinnings of ideology, in four studies (total N = 4,441) we examine the factors that contribute to the ideological gap in pandemic response—across domains including personality (e.g., empathic concern), attitudes (e.g., trust in science), information (e.g., COVID-19 knowledge), vulnerability (e.g., preexisting medical conditions), demographics (e.g., education, income) and environment (e.g., local COVID-19 infection rates). This work provides insight into the most proximal drivers of this ideological divide, and also helps fill a longstanding theoretical and empirical gap regarding how these various ideological differences shape responses to complex real-world sociopolitical events. Among our key findings are the central role of attitude- and belief-related factors (e.g., trust in science and trust in Trump)—and the relatively weak influence of more domain-general personality factors (e.g., empathic concern, disgust sensitivity). We conclude by considering possible explanations for these findings and their broader implications for our understanding of political ideology.


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 272-277
Author(s):  
Jordan M. Hyatt ◽  
Valerio Baćak ◽  
Erin M. Kerrison

Since the global pandemic began in early 2020, COVID-19 has impacted almost every correctional facility in the country. In Pennsylvania, the pandemic response has required significant changes to the operation of correctional facilities and necessitated a reconsideration of the risks and responsibilities for staff. Although the risks of viral infection are not a completely new concern for people working in prisons, the highly transmissible coronavirus and the near-universal nature of the resulting pandemic has potentially changed how health and safety are viewed. To better understand these concerns, the staff of the PADOC was surveyed to allow them to self-report their perceptions of the pandemic response, the need for vaccination, and other relevant areas. This independent report draws on these data to provide insight into the current perspective held by the PADOC staff population regarding vaccination and some of the factors that are associated with that decision. In turn, these descriptive data can be used to inform the development of evidence-based public health and correctional policies during the pandemic.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Kubin ◽  
Mark John Brandt

Liberals and conservatives disagree, but are there some domains where we are more or less likely to observe ideological differences? To map the types of attitudes where we may be more or less likely to observe ideological differences, we draw on two approaches, the elective affinities approach, which suggests individual differences explains differences between liberals and conservatives, and the divergent content approach, which posits the key distinction between ideologues are their value orientations. The goal of the current research was to explore when and why liberals and conservatives disagree. We tested whether ideological differences are more likely to emerge in attitudes characterized by threat, complexity, morality, political ideology, religious ideology, or harm (as compared to objects not characterized by these domains) using both explicit and implicit measures of 190 attitude objects. While all domains predicted ideological differences, the political domain was the only significant predictor of ideological differences when controlling for the other domains. This study provides insight into which attitudes we are most and least likely to find ideological differences.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 191-195
Author(s):  
Nicholas J. Kelley ◽  
Adrienne L. Crowell

Abstract. Two studies tested the hypothesis that self-reported sense of smell (i.e., metacognitive insight into one’s olfactory ability) predicts disgust sensitivity and disgust reactivity. Consistent with our predictions two studies demonstrated that disgust correlates with self-reported sense of smell. Studies 1 and 2 demonstrated, from an individual difference perspective, that trait-like differences in disgust relate to self-reported sense of smell. Physical forms of disgust (i.e., sexual and pathogen disgust) drove this association. However, the association between self-reported sense of smell and disgust sensitivity is small, suggesting that it is likely not a good proxy for disgust sensitivity. The results of Study 2 extended this finding by demonstrating that individual differences in self-reported sense of smell influence how individuals react to a disgusting olfactory stimulus. Those who reported having a better sense of smell (or better insight into their olfactory ability) found a disgusting smell significantly more noxious as compared to participants reporting having a poor sense of smell (or poor insight into their olfactory ability). The current findings suggest that a one-item measure of self-reported sense of smell may be an effective tool in disgust research.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph John Pyne Simons ◽  
Ilya Farber

Not all transit users have the same preferences when making route decisions. Understanding the factors driving this heterogeneity enables better tailoring of policies, interventions, and messaging. However, existing methods for assessing these factors require extensive data collection. Here we present an alternative approach - an easily-administered single item measure of overall preference for speed versus comfort. Scores on the self-report item predict decisions in a choice task and account for a proportion of the differences in model parameters between people (n=298). This single item can easily be included on existing travel surveys, and provides an efficient method to both anticipate the choices of users and gain more general insight into their preferences.


SLEEP ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (Supplement_2) ◽  
pp. A154-A155
Author(s):  
Liza Ashbrook ◽  
Andrew Krystal ◽  
Ying-Hui Fu ◽  
Louis Ptáček

Abstract Introduction Resilience, a life-long trait, corresponds to the ability to bounce back from adversity. What factors influence resilience is unclear. Here we describe a cohort of individuals with familial natural short sleep (FNSS). Four genes in five families have been identified that confer this trait, DEC2, NPSR1, GRM1 and ADRB1. Individuals in this cohort share a resilience phenotype alongside this decreased sleep need. Methods Those reporting less than 6.5 hours of sleep when allowed to sleep ad libitum without any complaints regarding overnight sleep or daytime sleepiness were then interviewed to determine FNSS affected status from 2009 to 2020. Data on mood, depression, sleepiness and resilience were collected from participants and family members enrolled in the FNSS study. Results 163 individuals meeting criteria for FNSS were enrolled. Compared to 47 unaffected family members, they had significantly shorter sleep duration as measured by self report and actigraphy, significantly more resilience as measured by the Connor-Davidson Resilience Scale, significantly less sleepiness as measured by the Epworth Sleepiness Scale, and significantly fewer symptoms of depression as measured by the Beck Depression Inventory. Conclusion FNSS individuals appear to have a distinct phenotype including shorter sleep duration, greater resilience, less subjective sleepiness, and fewer symptoms of depression. Better understanding the genetics and characteristics of those with familial natural short sleep may provide insight into mechanisms of both restorative sleep and resilience. Support (if any) This work was supported by NIH grants NS099333, NS072360 and NS104782 to L.J.P. and Y-H.F., and by the William Bowes Neurogenetics Fund to L.J.P. and Y.H.F.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 680-697
Author(s):  
Jonah Koetke ◽  
Karina Schumann ◽  
Tenelle Porter

The COVID-19 pandemic necessitates adherence to scientifically supported prevention strategies, such as social distancing. Although most Americans support social distancing, a subset of conservatives reject the scientific consensus on this matter. We explored why some conservatives reject social distancing, focusing on how trust in science contributes to ideological differences in social distancing intentions. In two studies, we replicated recent research demonstrating that conservatives report lower support for social distancing compared to liberals. However, in Study 1 we found support for a moderating role of trust in science, such that conservatives reported stronger intentions to socially distance when they had high trust in science. In Study 2, we enhanced trust in messaging about social distancing – and in turn, social distancing intentions among conservatives – by having the messages come from a Republican (vs. unidentified) government official. These studies provide insight into how we can increase adherence to public health recommendations regarding COVID-19.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shelby Boggs ◽  
Benjamin Ruisch ◽  
Russell Fazio

Individuals vary substantially in their sensitivity to disgust—differences that have implications for intergroup attitudes, political ideology, and beyond. However, the source of this variability in disgust sensitivity remains a subject of debate. In this work, we test the hypothesis that sensitivity to disgust is "calibrated" by an individual's concern about disease threats in their local ecology. Leveraging the COVID-19 pandemic, we obtain strong support for this hypothesis, finding that disgust sensitivity increased following the COVID-19 outbreak and that the degree of this increase was moderated by an individual's subjective concern about contracting the disease. This work fills a longstanding theoretical gap regarding the sources of variability in disgust sensitivity, while challenging the view that disgust sensitivity is an immutable individual difference. Given the role of disgust in motivating intergroup prejudice and right-wing ideologies, we anticipate that these increases in disgust sensitivity are likely to have important downstream societal implications.


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