scholarly journals The Political Scar of Epidemics

Author(s):  
Cevat Giray Aksoy ◽  
Barry Eichengreen ◽  
Orkun Saka

What will be political legacy of the Coronavirus pandemic? We find that epidemic exposure in an individual's impressionable years (ages 18 to 25) has a persistent negative effect on confidence in political institutions and leaders. We find similar negative effects on confidence in public health systems, suggesting that the loss of confidence in political leadership and institutions is associated with healthcare related policies at the time of the epidemic. In line with this argument, our results are mostly driven by individuals who experienced epidemics under weak governments with less capacity to act against the epidemic, disappointing their citizens. We provide evidence of this mechanism by showing that weak governments took longer to introduce policy interventions in response to the COVID-19 outbreak. These results imply that the Coronavirus may leave behind a long-lasting political scar on the current young generation ("Generation Z").

Subject The political impact of the coronavirus outbreak in China. Significance The extreme measures the Communist Party has taken in response to the COVID-19 outbreak are partly designed to instill faith in its governing capacity among ordinary citizens, but inertia and slow decision-making at every level have revealed a gap between official rhetoric and reality. Impacts China will increasingly treat public health as a matter of state security; regulation and more involvement by senior officials will follow. The main risk to political stability is indirect, via the outbreak’s negative effect economic growth and employment. Despite signs of public outrage, protests are unlikely due to the risk of contamination and intense activity by the security services.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaotong Jin ◽  
Ershuai Huang ◽  
Wei Song ◽  
Taiyang Zhao

Abstract Background: The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic constitutes a public health emergency that threatens all of society. During this time, it is important for people to help each other by providing support related to the viral components of the pandemic while also assisting with difficulties experienced at the social level. However, the nature of the infection itself puts everyone at risk, which may prevent altruistic behaviors. In other words, the pandemic has created a dilemma in which individuals may need to choose between their personal safety and continuing to help others. As such, this study explored how public health emergencies affect altruistic behaviors in the context of COVID-19.Methods: Questionnaire surveys were distributed to 1508 residents from 31 provinces across China in February 2020 during the outbreak of COVID-19. Structural equation models were then implemented to test multiple research hypotheses using the obtained data.Results: Findings showed that the severity of the pandemic had both positive and negative effects on altruistic behaviors. Empathy mediated the positive relationship between the severity of the pandemic and altruistic behavior, while the sense of control mediated the negative effect between the severity of the pandemic and altruistic behavior.Conclusions: In the context of public emergencies such as the COVID-19 pandemic, altruistic behaviors can be enhanced by strengthening the factors of empathy and sense of control. These findings are useful for a government’s altruistic behavior promotion and disaster risk management.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mario Coccia

Abstract One of the current problems in the presence of COVID-19 pandemic crisis is to analyze the effects of the second wave on public health to design appropriate strategies to reduce negative effects in society. The study here analyzes first and second wave of COVID-19 pandemic in Italy because is one of European countries to experience a rapid increase in confirmed cases and deaths. Results reveal that the first wave of COVID-19 pandemic in Italy had a high negative effect on public health from February to May 2020 that declined with the approaching of summer season and with the health policy of lockdown and quarantine; instead, second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, from October 2020, has increasing confirmed cases but admission to ICUs is, to date, below maximum capacity and total deaths have a lower level than first wave. This study can support best practice of crisis management to design effective health policies to constrain current and future waves of the COVID-19 pandemic and epidemics of similar viral agents.


Author(s):  
Eva Sørensen

The legitimacy of representative democracy hinges on its ability to implement the policies that politicians make. Citizens may experience that their interests and viewpoints are taken into account in the political process, that the political process is fair, and that policies made are relevant and convincing responses to the problems they experience and aspirations they have. If policy implementation fails, it is likely to have a negative effect on citizens’ assessments of the efficiency and effectiveness of the political system, its executive institutions, and the competence and skill of incumbent political authorities. It reduces the political system’s outcome legitimacy. New theories of co-production and co-creation and research into how public and private actors work together to promote public value suggest that successful implementation of policy outcomes is more likely when relevant and affected societal actors are involved. This involving approach to getting things done leads to the formulation of a concept of socio-political implementation referring to co-created policy-implementation. Most of the socio-political implementation research tends to overlook the important role of politics and political leadership for successful co-creation of policy implementation. Chapter 7 argues that politicians have a crucial role to play as interactive political leaders of co-created policy implementation.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sohail Agha ◽  
Brooks Morgan ◽  
Helena Archer ◽  
Shadae Paul ◽  
Joseph Babigumira ◽  
...  

Abstract Background: Few theories of health behavior explicitly take the effect of social norms on behavior into account. The ones that do assume that the effect of norms on behavior operates through motivation. We use a behavior model that is new to public health to test whether norms affect behavior through motivation or ability. Methods: This study uses data from a household survey of Nigerian women, ages 14-24. The survey collected data on socio-economic and demographic characteristics of women, whether they were sexually experienced, and whether they used contraception. The survey also collected data on descriptive and injunctive norms around premarital sex and contraceptive use. Multivariate logistic regression was used to test whether the effect of unfavorable social norms on modern contraceptive use operates through motivation or ability. Results: The data was used to construct variables measuring unfavorable social norms, motivation, ability, and modern contraceptive use. After adjusting for a range of socio-economic and demographic variables, we found that unfavorable social norms had a statistically significant negative effect on contraceptive use. The analysis suggests that the effect of unfavorable social norms on contraceptive use operates through ability.Conclusion: This study sheds light on the pathway through which social norms affect contraceptive use. The findings suggest that public health interventions may be able to counter the negative effects of unfavorable social norms on modern contraceptive use by increasing women’s ability to practice contraception. These findings have important implications for the design of interventions that aim to increase contraceptive use among young women in Nigeria. The study also demonstrates the utility of the FBM, a practitioner-friendly, behavior change model, in examining the relationship between norms and behavior.


Author(s):  
Eva Sørensen

A key factor that conditions the political leadership of elected politicians is the institutional structure of representative democracy. Political institutions constrain as well as enable political leadership. They regulate what politicians can do, and grant them the authority and legitimacy needed to act in the name of the members of the political community. Then, how do the institutions of representative democracy condition the performance of interactive political leadership? Chapter 10 shows that although the formal structure of representative democracy tends to encourage political competition, the non-formal political institutions promote political bargaining, negotiation and collaboration between political elites. Although neither the formal nor the non-formal institutions promote interaction between politicians and citizens, it takes relatively small-scale reforms to enable politicians to perform interactive political leadership. Political leaders are not only institution-takers but also institution-makers and it is their prerogative to improve the institutional conditions for performing interactive political leadership in representative democracies. A review of recent institutional reforms testifies to a growing interest among politicians in promoting dialogue between politicians and citizens around agenda-setting, policy innovation, and policy application.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 455-464
Author(s):  
Ahmet Bese

Yazın ve sanat ürünlerinin, yaratıldığı dönemde yaşanan politik, toplumsal ve ekonomik koşullardan etkilendiği yadsınamaz bir gerçektir. Amerika’da, 1930’lu yılların ekonomik dengesizlikleri, kıtlık ve sınıf ayırımı gibi ‘Büyük Bunalım’ (Great Depression) yıllarının olumsuz etkileri, Nazizm ve ırk ayırımı gibi sorunlar, II. Dünya Savaşı’nın doğum sancıları ve bunlara bağlı olarak toplumun değer yargılarında yaşanan radikal değişimler, dönemin özellikle genç kuşak yazar, sanatçı ve aydınlarını sistemin sorgulanması/değişmesi yönünde belirli bir politik seçenek arayışına yönlendirir. Amerika’da ortaya çıkan genç kuşak yazarlar sisteme karşı toplumsal eleştiri ve yeni bir politik hareket düşüncesinde birleşirler. Bu yazarlar arasında Clifford Odets’in yapıtları yaşadığı dönemin politik, tarihsel ve kültürel yapısını en çarpıcı biçimde yansıtmaktadır (Beşe 143-158). 1935’te yazdığı, Waiting for Lefty, Awake and Sing!, Till the Day I Die, Paradise Lost ve tek perdelik I Can’t Sleep adlı ilk oyunlarıyla başlayan çıkışı, Odets’i bir anda Amerikan tiyatrosunun merkezine taşır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, döneminin önemli yazarı olarak Clifford Odets’in toplumsal eleştiri açısından önemine işaret etmektir.Abstract in English The Social Criticism and Clifford Odets in The 1930s American TheaterLiterary and art products are influenced by the political, social and economic conditions of the time they were created. The Great Depression of the 1930s in America and its negative effects such as the economic imbalances, famine and class distinction as well as problems such as Nazism and racial discrimination in the eve of the World War II and the resultant decline in the value judgments of the society lead especially young generation writers to search for a radical changes and a new political option in terms of the system. In other words, these young generation writers unite in the idea of social criticism and a new political movement against the system. Among these writers, Clifford Odets' works reflect the political, historical and cultural structure of his time in a most striking way (Beşe 143-158). His first plays written in 1935, Waiting for Lefty, Awake and Sing! Till the Day I Die, Paradise Lost and a one act, I Can’t Sleep carry Odets to the center of American theatre. The aim of this study is to point out the importance of Clifford Odets in terms of social criticism.


2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172090531 ◽  
Author(s):  
Su-Hyun Lee ◽  
Byungwon Woo

How do International Monetary Fund programs and conditions affect labor rights? Recognizing the diversity of International Monetary Fund conditionality, we argue that the more stringent International Monetary Fund labor market conditionality is, the worse labor rights become. However, this negative effect can be mitigated if there exist domestic political institutions that have incentives and abilities to provide protections over workers: one such case is a closed-list proportional representation system; another case is a leftist government that relies on political supports of workers. Our empirical analysis demonstrates that the more labor conditionality a program includes, the worse labor rights the country sustains. In addition, we report that the negative effect is partially mitigated when domestic political circumstances are favorable to the political representation of workers under a proportional representation system or under a leftist government.


Author(s):  
Vera Tormosheva

The increasing spatial fluidity of the population in general and the inclusion of a wider range of people in international migration in particular is recognized as one of the most visible manifestations of globalization. However, processes contributing to the movement and global relations at the same time generate physical and socio-political immobility, alienation, and dissociation. The phenomenon of (im)mobility is considered from a political point of view. Making use of the institutional approach, the author defines (im)mobility as a process caused by international and national political institutions’ activities, on one hand, and stimulating the emergence of formal and informal political practices, on the other hand. Government regulation of cross-border migration is reflected in the demands of the valid grounds for the legal entering the territory of a state, the development of distance forms of mobility management, the establishment of financial mechanisms, and the imposition of restrictive migration measures. The isolating practices of modernity meet up with postmodern digital practices. Herewith, political barriers prevent the movement of potentially dangerous individuals and groups, and those not representing a danger to the community, violating human rights and fundamental freedoms, which are so-called mobility rights. Initiatives performed bypolitical parties and public associations prevent mobile citizens from accessing not only political leadership, but also their participation in political agenda setting.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-125
Author(s):  
TITTY VARGHESE

Women's political participation regarded as an essential element in all forms of development; however, gender equality policies of India remain under scrutiny. After independence in 1947, there have been many initiatives to increase the political representation of women by decentralization of power in various local self-government institutions of India. The act of Panchayati Raj Institutions has increased the engagement of marginalized segments of society, including women, into the decision-making role in political institutions. Hence, this study is trying to explore the political leadership of women in Local Self Government institutions. Through the use of qualitative methods such as document analysis of the Panchayati Raj Institutions amendment act and the expert interviews with elected women representatives in one district of Kerala state, the paper seeks to identify the challenges of women in political leadership positions in India, the largest democratic nation. Findings from the study reveal that there is considerable progress in women’s equality in the leadership role; however, there are certain crucial obstacles still exist for women to be active in the political realm.


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