Institutionalizing Interactive Political Leadership

2020 ◽  
pp. 133-153
Author(s):  
Eva Sørensen
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Formal Structure ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
The Political ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
Policy Application

A key factor that conditions the political leadership of elected politicians is the institutional structure of representative democracy. Political institutions constrain as well as enable political leadership. They regulate what politicians can do, and grant them the authority and legitimacy needed to act in the name of the members of the political community. Then, how do the institutions of representative democracy condition the performance of interactive political leadership? Chapter 10 shows that although the formal structure of representative democracy tends to encourage political competition, the non-formal political institutions promote political bargaining, negotiation and collaboration between political elites. Although neither the formal nor the non-formal institutions promote interaction between politicians and citizens, it takes relatively small-scale reforms to enable politicians to perform interactive political leadership. Political leaders are not only institution-takers but also institution-makers and it is their prerogative to improve the institutional conditions for performing interactive political leadership in representative democracies. A review of recent institutional reforms testifies to a growing interest among politicians in promoting dialogue between politicians and citizens around agenda-setting, policy innovation, and policy application.

CONSULTATION AND CONSENT UNDER JAMES VI

2011 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALAN R. MACDONALD
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Significant Proportion ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Charles I ◽  
Central Direction ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
Scottish Government ◽  
New Policies

ABSTRACTDivisions in the Scottish political community that were evident by the end of the reign of James VI have been posited as roots of the Scottish revolution of 1638 and the wars of the three kingdoms. This article argues that the disengagement of central government from the political nation at large was a key factor in this development. By demonstrating the frequency of conventions of the estates, it highlights the intensity of consultation in James's Scottish government before 1603. A sudden decline in their frequency thereafter was symptomatic of a wider failure of government to adapt to the absence of the king in the context of a composite monarchy. While correspondence between the king and the privy council was copious, communication between the council and the political elites of Scotland withered. Without conventions of the estates as a vital point of contact in which new policies could be tested and negotiated, parliaments became more disagreeable. The crown's reliance on unprecedented levels of management and increased central direction alienated a significant proportion of the political elite, driving them into the oppositional stance which endured through the reign of Charles I.

scholarly journals The principle of exclusive citizenship and a foreigner's status

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-27
Author(s):  
Predrag Terzić
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Significance ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Public Sphere

The process of creating a modern state and forming political institutions corresponds to the process of transforming the subjects of the past into a community constituted on the principle of citizenship. The citizen becomes the foundation of the political community and the subject, which in interaction with other citizens, forms the public sphere. However, this does not mean that all members of the community have the same rights and obligations contained in the status of a citizen. Excluding certain categories of residents from the principle of citizenship raises a number of issues that delegitimize the existing order by colliding with the ideas of justice, freedom and equality. The aim of this short research is to clarify the principle of citizenship, its main manifestations and excluded subjects, as well as the causes that are at the root of the concept of exclusive citizenship. A brief presentation of the idea of multiculturalism does not intend to fully analytically explain this concept, but only to present in outline one of the ways of overcoming the issue of exclusive citizenship. In order to determine the social significance of the topic, a part of the text is dedicated to the ideas that form the basis of an exclusive understanding of citizenship, the reasons for its application and the far-reaching consequences of social tensions and unrest, which cannot be ignored.

scholarly journals PENGARUH DINAMIKA INTERNAL PARTAI TERHADAP STRATEGI POLITIK PARTAI AMANAT NASIONAL PASCA KONGRES IV TAHUN 2015

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ratnia Solihah
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Public Trust ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Internal Conflicts

Internal conflict within a political party commonplaces in political institutions, especially in the context of fighting for power or leadership in a party. But internal conflicts in the electoral process currently Chairman of the PAN congressional IV in Bali in 2015 does not lead to a prolonged conflict until the dualism of leadership of a party or departure of chairman candidate who lost in the political competition by setting up a new political party. Post-election of Chairman of the National Mandate Party Zulkifli Hasan replacing Hatta Rajasa. Raises the political dynamics of internal new has happened in the PAN, which also affects changes in political strategy PAN good political strategy for the internal PAN and external PAN, which aims to increase the capabilities of the party, the public trust/ society against the PAN and to improve electability PAN in elections in 2019. 

Revolution, Rhetoric, and Reality in the Sudan

1979 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dunstan M. Wai
Keyword(s):  
First Generation ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Military ◽  
Gain Access

The shrinking political arena in Africa,1 caused by the authoritarian practices of presidential monarchs, has more often than not undermined the process of legitimation, as those who have not ‘fallen into things’ resort to unconstitutional means to gain access to political and economic kingdoms. Hitherto, political competition has become a raw power struggle, partly as a result of the absence of stable institutions for channelling and ordering politics,2 and partly because political leadership is so divided that it has failed to give form to statecraft. The failure of the first generation of African politicians has consequently encouraged the military to intervene and to sack them. But the African army has also experienced divisions and factions. Its record has not been impressive. Thus, in most African countries, the political situation has deteriorated progressively to praetorianism.3

scholarly journals Disabled citizens – defining their own role in the political process. An empirical analysis of the attitudes of disabled people in Poland in 2002–2014

2016 ◽  
pp. 43-58
Author(s):  
Tomasz Masłyk ◽  
Ewa Migaczewska
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Analysis ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Disabled Persons ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Social Model ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Persons With Disabilities

Define our own role in the process of political participation determines the manner of its implementation, and therefore the attitude we adopt the operating entity in the wider political community. This may be the attitude of an active actor co-responsible for the direction and quality of the policy, or lacking a sense of agency. In the case of disabled persons adopt the first of them it is difficult due to both objective barriers associated with perceptual-motor constraints, and because of the subjective, deeply rooted in society and among the disabled themselves, stereotyping ways of thinking about the functioning of this social category in society. Going beyond this scheme requires the realization of the social model of disability, in which persons with disabilities are active participants in social life, contributing to its development. The aim of the article is to present the dynamics of change in the perception of people with disabilities in Poland, their subjectivity in the political dimension. The analysis will cover issues such as: interest in politics, trust in political institutions and the generalized others, their capacity to co-create the policy. The data used in the empirical analysis is derived from European Social Survey (2002–2014).

scholarly journals The Personification of Present Mediated Political Communication

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 71-78
Author(s):  
Yu. Ahmedova
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
The Media ◽  
Political Game

In recent decades, the political game in democratic societies has become increasingly personalized. The weakening of the role of parties as representatives of public interests is caused by the influence of personification, which in turn is facilitated by the growing importance of social media. Personalization is largely manifested in the period of election campaigns, since the electorate chooses specific individuals based on the image of a politician recreated in the media. Thus, the purpose of this study is to test the hypothesis about the increasing role of social media and the personification of the political game during election campaigns. The author chose bibliography analysis and content analysis as the research method. The author analyzed the profiles in social networks of candidates for deputies of the Legislative Assembly of the city of St. Petersburg, nominated by the electoral association "St. Petersburg regional branch of the All-Russian party "Unity and Fatherland" - "United Russia". Based on the analysis of the social media profiles of the candidates under consideration, the hypothesis put forward has not been confirmed. The paper concludes that the key factor in the personification of political discourse in the media is political competition. In the absence of political competition, politicians lose their incentives to disclose personalized information and form a positive image of a person in social media. The practical significance of the work for representatives of the political community lies in the fact that in order to increase public loyalty to the dominant party and trust in the activities of political leaders, politicians at all levels of government need to conduct a competent policy in social networks, based on the experience of democratic countries.

From Security to Peace and Concord

Theoria ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 66 (159) ◽  
pp. 71-90
Author(s):  
Stefano Visentin
Keyword(s):  
Social Interactions ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Original Position ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Cause And Effect ◽  
Collective Self

The aim of this article is to discuss how Spinoza’s Theological- Political Treatise and Political Treatise deal with the development of a free and pacific commonwealth, taking into account both a comparison with the irenic tradition of Erasmus and the original position of Spinoza’s republicanism within the Dutch context of that period. To approach this issue, comparing Spinoza’s idea of security with the Hobbesian one can also be useful in order to demonstrate that security and freedom are not antithetical in Spinoza (differently from Hobbes) but rather support each other. Consequently, the role of peace and concord within the Political Treatise shall be considered the result of a collective self-emendation process of social interactions and political institutions. In this perspective, Spinoza’s concept of peace seems a very original attempt to build a free political community, where democratic institutions are both the cause and effect of pacific (i.e., rational and harmonious, although not necessarily irenic) relationships among citizens.

Towards a Concept of Interactive Political Leadership

2020 ◽  
pp. 25-40
Author(s):  
Eva Sørensen
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Building Blocks ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Hands On ◽  
Leaders And Followers ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 3 examines what political leadership means in the age of governance. In unison, theories of metagovernance and recent theories of political leadership provide the necessary building blocks for developing a concept of interactive political leadership that captures what political leadership implies in a context where the members of the political community take an active part in governing society. While metagovernance theory highlights the role of hands-off and hands-on forms of governance in regulating self-governance, new theories of political leadership provide a helpful redefinition of the role of power and the relationship between leaders and followers in political leadership. These important insights pave the way for the development of a concept of interactive political leadership and a specification of nine tasks for political leaders in multi-actor policy-making. The chapter concludes by listing a number of challenges and dilemmas facing politicians who aspire to become interactive political leaders.

scholarly journals Is There a Bias Toward Excess in U.S. Government Budgets or Deficits?

1992 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles L Schultze
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Public Spending ◽  
The United States ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Constitutional Amendment ◽  
The Political ◽  
Budget Deficits

Do the political institutions of a majoritarian representative democracy, and in particular those of the United States, systematically produce either levels of public spending or budget deficits that are excessive? Should U.S. political institutions be altered by constitutional amendment to deal with these problems? I will start by examining the issue of public spending, and then turn to the question of budget deficits.

scholarly journals The Political Scar of Epidemics

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cevat Giray Aksoy ◽  
Barry Eichengreen ◽  
Orkun Saka
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Young Generation ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Public Health Systems ◽  
Policy Interventions ◽  
Generation Z ◽  
Negative Effect

What will be political legacy of the Coronavirus pandemic? We find that epidemic exposure in an individual's impressionable years (ages 18 to 25) has a persistent negative effect on confidence in political institutions and leaders. We find similar negative effects on confidence in public health systems, suggesting that the loss of confidence in political leadership and institutions is associated with healthcare related policies at the time of the epidemic. In line with this argument, our results are mostly driven by individuals who experienced epidemics under weak governments with less capacity to act against the epidemic, disappointing their citizens. We provide evidence of this mechanism by showing that weak governments took longer to introduce policy interventions in response to the COVID-19 outbreak. These results imply that the Coronavirus may leave behind a long-lasting political scar on the current young generation ("Generation Z").

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