scholarly journals Political symbols and symbolic policy of the Western European left radical parties

2020 ◽  
pp. 172-189
Author(s):  
Sergei Sergeev
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Political Action ◽  
New Left ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
Old Left ◽  
Agonistic Democracy ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Left Party

The concept of agonistic democracy put forward by Ch. Mouffe opposes both the understanding of political conflict as antagonistic, the parties of which regard each other as implacable enemies, and the actual denial of the conflict in the consensus theories of democracy. This concept, in which a political conflict is seen as a struggle between two opponents, each of which recognizes the legitimacy of the other, has found its implementation in the activities of new left-wing radical parties that have appeared in Western Europe over the past 10–15 years. Their appearance was a reaction to the crisis and the decline of most of the «old» left-wing radical parties that came after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the USSR. The «new» left-wing radicals seek to develop their own identity, which is different from the communist and socialdemocratic ones, which is also manifested in the new emblematic symbols they invent, which are not like the sickle, hammer, and five-pointed star of the «old» left-wing radicals, and in the new discursive strategies. On the example of the Podemos party (Spain), as well as the Left Party of France and the Party «Unconquered France», it is examined how the «new» left radicals construct the subject of political action – «people», «popular majority» or simply «We», opposed «Those above», «caste», «oligarchy». But with all the harshness of anti-capitalist and anti-liberal rhetoric, the conflict of «new» left-wing radicals with the system is more agonistic than antagonistic: they want not to destroy the old institutions, but to win them back from the opposite side, not to replace democracy with the dictatorship of the advanced class, but to «return» its people and expand it.

scholarly journals NEW LEFT RADICALISM AND POPULISM IN WESTERN EUROPE: WHAT'S NEW?

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 49-53
Author(s):  
S.A. Sergeev ◽  
◽  
S.V. Kuzmina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
New Left ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
Rapid Decline ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Party Members ◽  
The Government ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
Moderate Policy ◽  
Social Democratic Parties

The article is devoted to the study of the features of the new left radicalism in Western Europe on the example of three parties: SYRIZA (Greece), "Unconquered France" (France) and "Podemos" (Spain). In 2012 - 2019 these three left-wing radical parties made a rapid political and electoral spurt. The first and main feature of these parties, which largely predetermined their successes, is populism. As an ideological platform, they chose left-wing populism in the form as it was justified by E. Laclau and consisting in the rejection of the class approach and in the persistent opposition of "we" - "they", "people" - "caste", "oligarchs" etc. The discursively constructed "people" are supposed to be honest, pure and poor, the "caste" or "oligarchy" is corrupted and depraved both politically, economically and morally. The second feature is the widespread use of Web 2.0, various digital technologies, platforms and social media, with the help of which thousands of party members could submit their proposals and discuss them. Rising on a wave of dissatisfaction with austerity policies, SYRIZA and Podemos were able to really participate in the formation of the government (and Unconquered France - to claim that its candidate would become one of the two or three main contenders for the presidency). However, radical socio-economic reforms are likely not included in the plans of the current Western European radical left. Judging by the rapid decline in the tone of the election campaigns, their goal was to oust and replace the existing Social Democratic parties (which SYRIZA succeeded in) and to pursue a moderate policy in a neo-Keynesian spirit.

scholarly journals Rethinking the Category of Class: Tempora Multa of the Plural Subject

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 171-192
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Temporal Structure ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Marxist Theory ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Emancipatory Politics ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Key Aspects

This article attempts to rethink the Marxist category of class in response to criticism of the progressivist conception of history. The Marxism of the twentieth and twentyfirst centuries has typically run into a problem arising from the fact that accepting the proletariat as the subject of history makes any political action aimed at social transformation superfluous. From a political viewpoint, the concept of the subject of history either implies that the working class will spontaneously carry out its historical task without any intervention, or requires the dictate of the party to act as a revolutionary vanguard for the working class. Many theorists (Walter Benjamin, Louis Althusser, Daniel Bensaïd, Massimiliano Tomba, et al.) have pointed out that emancipatory politics should abandon the idea that history is linear and that it has a particular subject. Does this then mean that the concept of class itself should be discarded? Althusser’s concept of the social whole as a weave of multiple temporalities allows us to take a new look at the problem of class in Marxist theory and political practice by understanding class as neither essence nor structure, but rather as a conflictual social relation and a political concept. Based on the works of Edward Thompson, Ellen Meiksins Wood, Étienne Balibar, Daniel Bensaïd, Cinzia Aruzza, etc., the author demonstrates that the multi-temporal structure of capital means that class contradiction cannot be confined to the matters of production because class struggle unfolds at all levels of surplus value creation — production, exchange, reproduction and circulation of capital taken as a whole. Moreover, other social movements — feminist, anti-racist, migrant, etc. — lead to a redefinition of key aspects of class subjectivity related to the concepts of productive labor and exploitation. With left-wing politics now in crisis, class struggle also entails a struggle for recognition that the problem of class is a political one.

scholarly journals 68 e depois: Uma cartografia dos filmes "Morrer aos 30 Anos" e “O Fundo do Ar é Vermelho” / 68 and After: A Cartography of the Films “Half a Life “ and “A Grin Without a Cat”

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Maíra Ramirez Nobre ◽  
Natacha Silva Araújo Rena ◽  
Danilo Caporalli Barbosa
Keyword(s):  
World History ◽  
New Left ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Short Films ◽  
Old Left ◽  
The World ◽  
Belo Horizonte ◽  
Chris Marker

Resumo: A importância de Maio de 1968 para a história contemporânea mundial é inegável. Sua representatividade é tão grande que, mesmo passados mais de cinquenta anos, há intelectuais e artistas que o debatem expondo suas muitas controvérsias. Foi o caso da Mostra 68 e depois, que trouxe várias visões sobre o ocorrido por meio de longas e curtas metragem. Dentre elas optou-se construir este artigo por meio de um diálogo entre os filmes O fundo do ar é vermelho, de Chris Marker e Morrer aos trintas anos, de Romain Goupil, atravessado pela visão de Julia Fagioli, em sua tese de doutorado Por que as imagens se põem a tremer? Militância e montagem em O fundo do ar é vermelho, de Chris Marker e de Alain Badiou exposta no livro A hipótese comunista. Como recorte específico busca-se o embate entre a velha representada principalmente pelo Partido Comunista e a nova esquerda, que teve naquele evento de 68 em Paris, o marco específico para seu surgimento, deixando rastros e sementes que ainda repetem, diferente, de maneira efervescente em grande parte do mundo, inclusive o Brasil de Junho de 2013.Palavras-chave: Maio de 68; esquerda clássica; nova esquerda; cartografia.Abstract: The importance of the cultural and political events of May 1968 in Paris for contemporary world history is undeniable. Its representativity is so great that, even after more than fifty years, intellectuals and artists still debate it exposing its many controversies. It was the case of the event “Mostra 68 e Depois” (Exhibition 68 and after), that brought together, in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, several perspectives on the historical readings of the May 68 cultural and political events by means of long and short films. Among these films this paper chooses A Grin without a cat, by Chris Marker, and Half a Life, by Romain Goupil, and attempts to bring them together in a critical analysis based on the study Julia Fagioli puts foward in her doctorate thesis Why the images start shaking? Militancy and assembly in A grin without a cat, by Chris Marker, and Alain Badiou’s view in The Communist Hypothesis. Specifically, this paper deals with the clash between the old left, represented mainly by the Communist Party, and the new left, which emerged in the multiplicity of political events of 68 in Paris, leaving marks that still today resonates profoundly and in different ways in much of the world, including Brazil in June 2013.Keywords: May of 68; classic left-wing; new left; cartography.

scholarly journals Insurrection of singularities. A conceptualization of (anti)political action in postanarchism

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 21-34
Author(s):  
Dmitry B. Polyakov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Radical Politics ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Libertarian Theory

The article reveals the political and philosophical core of contemporary anarchist thought using the example of such its theoretical variation as postanarchism. Seamlessly engaging into the current left-wing radical discursive context, postanarchism at the same time reflects the micro-political, localist and largely spontaneous tendencies that characterize today’s forms of political protest and resistance in many countries of the world. Having arisen as a reaction to the crisis of legitimacy of political and economic institutions, these tendencies lead to a rethinking of standard political categories by modern philosophy: “class”, “revolution”, “democracy”, “sovereignty”, “political”, etc. The postanarchist perspective, revealing distinctly anarchic features in current forms of radical politics (decentralization, network character, distrust of official institutions), also offers its own reinterpretation of a series of concepts on purpose of radicalizing and updating libertarian theory. In particular, this article focuses on the logic of differentiating the concepts of revolution and insurrec­tion, which is carried out by the leading theorist of postanarchism S. Newman, who starts from the philosophical individualism of M. Stirner and also proceeds from the crisis of metanarratives proclaimed by the postmodern. Furthermore, within the framework of an at­tempt to define a new political subject, that is common to Western left thought, Newman develops the concept of singularity in a number of his texts, actively using the philosophical studies of some continental thinkers. Finally, in terms of postanarchism, the conceptualiza­tion of political action and the subject of this action through the concepts of rebellion and singularity not only contributes to the clarification and revitalization of anarchist discourse but is itself a subversive gesture that destabilizes the normative political language.

“Stay Behind”: A Clandestine Cold War Phenomenon

2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 35-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olav Riste
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Central Intelligence Agency ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Intelligence Agency ◽  
The North ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Soviet Invasion ◽  
Stay Behind ◽  
Intelligence Service

This article gives an overview of what we now know from trustworthy sources about the origins, character, and development of the “stay-behind” networks established in Western Europe during the early Cold War in preparation for a possible Soviet invasion and occupation. The article critically examines and refutes several notions about Stay Behind that have tended to dominate writings on the subject, such as allegations that the networks in Italy and other West European countries were mere creations of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency and the British Secret Intelligence Service; that they were controlled by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as its “secret army”; and that in at least some countries they pursued terrorist activities directed against left-wing groups suspected of working to overthrow the established order.

Anne O. Krueger, Constantine Michalopoulos and Vernon W. Ruttan. Aid and Development. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. 1989. xiv + 386 pp.Price: U.S. $ 52.00

1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-217
Author(s):  
Mir Annice Mahmood
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
International Development ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Development Assistance ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Infrastructure ◽  
Low Literacy ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Impact

Foreign aid has been the subject of much examination and research ever since it entered the economic armamentarium approximately 45 years ago. This was the time when the Second World War had successfully ended for the Allies in the defeat of Germany and Japan. However, a new enemy, the Soviet Union, had materialized at the end of the conflict. To counter the threat from the East, the United States undertook the implementation of the Marshal Plan, which was extremely successful in rebuilding and revitalizing a shattered Western Europe. Aid had made its impact. The book under review is by three well-known economists and is the outcome of a study sponsored by the Department of State and the United States Agency for International Development. The major objective of this study was to evaluate the impact of assistance, i.e., aid, on economic development. This evaluation however, was to be based on the existing literature on the subject. The book has five major parts: Part One deals with development thought and development assistance; Part Two looks at the relationship between donors and recipients; Part Three evaluates the use of aid by sector; Part Four presents country case-studies; and Part Five synthesizes the lessons from development assistance. Part One of the book is very informative in that it summarises very concisely the theoretical underpinnings of the aid process. In the beginning, aid was thought to be the answer to underdevelopment which could be achieved by a transfer of capital from the rich to the poor. This approach, however, did not succeed as it was simplistic. Capital transfers were not sufficient in themselves to bring about development, as research in this area came to reveal. The development process is a complicated one, with inputs from all sectors of the economy. Thus, it came to be recognized that factors such as low literacy rates, poor health facilities, and lack of social infrastructure are also responsible for economic backwardness. Part One of the book, therefore, sums up appropriately the various trends in development thought. This is important because the book deals primarily with the issue of the effectiveness of aid as a catalyst to further economic development.

The Presence of Left-Wing Authoritarianism in Western Europe and Its Relationship with Conservative Ideology

2006 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 769-793 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alain Van Hiel ◽  
Bart Duriez ◽  
Malgorzata Kossowska
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Conservative Ideology

scholarly journals Konflikt jako wartość? Demokracja agonistyczna a populizm europejski w ujęciu Chantal Mouffe

2018 ◽  
pp. 219-233
Author(s):  
Filip Biały
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Irrational Beliefs ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The Public ◽  
Chantal Mouffe ◽  
Emotional Component ◽  
Agonistic Democracy ◽  
The Public Sphere

One of the most intriguing questions in political philosophy has long been the following: how to organize politics that not only appeases the conflict of groups and individuals but also allows to express even irrational beliefs. The answer that this article has dealt with is a proposition by Chantal Mouffe, called ‘agonistic democracy’. The concept is based on an claim that the exclusion of an emotional component from the public sphere can only lead to a political conflict. An example that confirms Mouffe’s assumptions is the expansion of European populism, which, according to the theory discussed in the article, may only be contained through recognizing the positive value of the conflictive nature of politics.

scholarly journals Reto y Capacidad del Liderazgo en el Partido de la Revolución Democrática: 1988-2015.

Xihmai ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (22) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Navarrete Vela
Keyword(s):  
New Left ◽  
The Political ◽  
Charismatic Leader ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
Left Party ◽  
Administrative Leader ◽  
Selection Of

Resumen.El propósito de este trabajo se enfoca en comparar el desarrollo de dos tipos de liderazgos en el PRD: el carismático y administrativo. Identifica los logros y desafí­os de Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas y Andrés Manuel López Obrador, miembros fundadores del partido hasta su renuncia de la organización. Se clasifica a través de la comparación de la influencia de ambos lí­deres en la selección de los dirigentes en la presidencia nacional del partido, así­ como el arribo de la fracción Nueva Izquierda a partir de 2008 hasta el 2015. Se destaca el efecto polí­tico-electoral de la salida de López Obrador, quien fundó MORENA como alternativa de izquierda al PRD.  Palabras clave: Lí­der carismático, lí­der administrativo, izquierda, liderazgo, institucionalización.Abstract.The purpose of this work focuses on comparing the two types of development in the PRD leadership: charismatic and administrative. Identifies the achievements and challenges of Cuauhtemoc Cardenas and Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, founding members of the party until his resignation from the organization. The influence of both leaders in the selection of leaders in the national presidency of the party as well as the arrival of the New Left fraction is classified by comparison from 2008 until 2015 the political-electoral effect is highlighted the departure of Lopez Obrador, who founded MORENA alternative left to the PRD.Key words: Charismatic leader, Administrative leader, Left party, leadership, institutionalization

scholarly journals HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE OF COUNTERING YOUTH POLITICAL TERRORISM BY THE POLICE OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY AND CONCLUSIONS FOR PRESENT-DAY RUSSIA (TERROR GROUP ‘RED ARMY FRACTION’ TAKEN AS AN EXAMPLE)

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-11
Author(s):  
Ilya Leonidovich Morozov
Keyword(s):  
Federal Republic ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Terrorist Groups ◽  
Red Army ◽  
The Government

‘Red Army Fraction’ is a youth extremist left-wing terror group that was active in the 1970–1980s on the territory of the Federal Republic of Germany. The terror group and its ideology originated mostly in Western German university circles. Most representatives of the group were descendants from wealthy families of high social standing. The ideology of the group included a mix of concepts related to social equity, preventing autocratic tendencies in the government machinery and interventions of Western countries against developing ‘third world’ countries and peoples. State security system of West Germany was unable to suppress the terror group for over two decades. The group finally announced its voluntary dissolution in 1998 due to a dramatic change in socio-political climate and general crisis of the left-wing political ideology. The growth of oppositional sentiments among present-day Russian young people is partially similar to the students’ unrest that had place in Western Europe in the 1960s and gave rise to terrorist groups. This makes the study of West Germany’s experience in countering the threat important.

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