scholarly journals Language distribution in Nepal and question on unit of additional official language

Gipan ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 117-141
Author(s):  
Bhim Narayan Regmi

Nepal has 123 languages within six families of spoken languages and a sign language. She has federal administrative structure and three levels of government. There is no majority language at national level. Nepali is the only majority language at province level with majority in 4 among the 7 provinces, and 21 majority languages at local level. The distribution of languages in terms of mother tongue speakers varies considerably among the different levels – national, province and local – as well as among the different units of the same level – among the provinces and among the local levels. According to the provision in the prevalent constitution, one or more majority language(s) spoken as mother tongue in a province can be additional official language of the province provided by the particular province through province law. This paper looks at the language data at different levels and concludes that the province is not the appropriate unit for use of additional official language in terms of cost effectiveness and inclusiveness, instead local level is the appropriate unit. Thus it suggests to consider local level as the unit of implementation and include the languages above 25% mother tongue speakers in the local level for the additional official language.

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (5) ◽  
pp. 606-618
Author(s):  
Fan Yang ◽  
Colin Angus ◽  
Ana Duarte ◽  
Duncan Gillespie ◽  
Simon Walker ◽  
...  

Public health decision makers value interventions for their effects on overall health and health inequality. Distributional cost-effectiveness analysis (DCEA) incorporates health inequality concerns into economic evaluation by accounting for how parameters, such as effectiveness, differ across population groups. A good understanding of how and when accounting for socioeconomic differences between groups affects the assessment of intervention impacts on overall health and health inequality could inform decision makers where DCEA would add most value. We interrogated 2 DCEA models of smoking and alcohol policies using first national level and then local authority level information on various socioeconomic differences in health and intervention use. Through a series of scenario analyses, we explored the impact of altering these differences on the DCEA results. When all available evidence on socioeconomic differences was incorporated, provision of a smoking cessation service was estimated to increase overall health and increase health inequality, while the screening and brief intervention for alcohol misuse was estimated to increase overall health and reduce inequality. Ignoring all or some socioeconomic differences resulted in minimal change to the estimated impact on overall health in both models; however, there were larger effects on the estimated impact on health inequality. Across the models, there were no clear patterns in how the extent and direction of socioeconomic differences in the inputs translated into the estimated impact on health inequality. Modifying use or coverage of either intervention so that each population group matched the highest level improved the impacts to a greater degree than modifying intervention effectiveness. When local level socioeconomic differences were considered, the magnitude of the impacts was altered; in some cases, the direction of impact on inequality was also altered.


2017 ◽  
pp. 99-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dragan Nonic ◽  
Mirjana Stanisic ◽  
Jelena Nedeljkovic ◽  
Nenad Rankovic

Climate change mitigation is the responsibility of many institutions and organizations in Serbia at different levels of governance, and therefore, it is necessary for them to cooperate with each other and with other stakeholders. The aim of the paper is to determine the existence of cooperation in climate change mitigation in forestry and nature protection at different levels of governance in Serbia. Primary data were collected in the period November 2016 - March 2017. Thirty-four interviews were conducted with representatives of institutions and organizations in forestry and nature protection at the national, regional and local level of governance, dealing with issues related to climate change mitigation. Three questionnaires were used (for each level separately), composed of five question groups. Various forms of cooperation have been established at different levels of governance, through exchange of information and education, machinery and equipment exchange, financial cooperation, etc. However, there is no systemically organized reporting process between institutions on climate change issues at the national level, nor at the regional level. At the local level, there is a partially established system of cooperation between the national level and local self-government, but it is not exclusively related to the issue of climate change mitigation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nihad El-Kayed ◽  
Ulrike Hamann

This article examines how state regulations, market barriers, racist discrimination as well as NGOs interact and create internal border regimes by enabling, as well as restricting, access to social and civil rights connected to housing and the freedom of movement and settlement for refugees. Our contribution builds on an analysis of federal and state regulations on housing for refugees who are either in the process of seeking asylum or have completed the process and have been granted an asylum status in Germany. The analysis aims to dissect the workings of these regulations in order to develop a detailed understanding of how these internal border regimes define barriers and access to social and civil rights. In addition to legal and regulatory barriers at the federal, state, and local levels, we identify several other barriers that affect if, how, and when refugees are able to enter local housing markets. We will examine these barriers based on an exemplary analysis of the situation in the cities of Berlin and Dresden, whereby we will apply concepts from border as well as citizenship studies to obtain a deeper understanding of the processes at hand. While contributions to the realm of border studies have so far mostly concentrated on national or EU borders, our approach follows recent literature that emphasises the need to analyse the workings of borders <em>internal to</em> nation-states but has so far not addressed local variations of the ways in which refugees are able to access their right to housing. In taking up this approach, we also stress the need to look at local dimensions of an increasing civic stratification of refugee rights, which past research has also conceptualised primarily on the national level. In both cities, we have collected administrative documents and conducted interviews with refugees, NGOs, and representatives from the local administration. Based on this material, we analyse the workings of administrative barriers at the state and local levels along with market barriers and discriminatory practices employed by landlords and housing companies at the local level. In most cases, these conditions restrict refugees’ access to housing. We will contrast these obstacles with insight into the strategies pursued by refugees and volunteers in their efforts to find a place to live in the city.


Baltic Region ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-31
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Lanko ◽  
Irina S. Lantsova

This article explores the Estonian ‘integration’ project, which was launched in the early 1990s to bridge the differences between ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians by assimilating the latter with the former. Since the project will soon turn thirty, it is timely to ask whether it has been a success. This article employs Grigorii Golosov’s index of political party nationalization to understand whether the ‘integration’ project has helped to narrow the ideological divide between ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians. In other words, the study asks whether ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians vote for the same political parties in comparable proportions or there are ‘Estonian’ and ‘Russian’ parties in the country. The analysis of the outcomes of four local and four parliamentary elections that took place in Estonia in 2005—2019 shows that by the mid-2000s Estonia achieved a considerable level of political party system nationalization at both national and local levels. At the national level, political party system nationalization remained high in 2007—2019 despite significant changes in the country’s political party system. At the local level, however, political party system nationalization has been diminishing since 2013, leading one to conclude that the Estonian ‘integration’ project has failed to close the ideological divide between ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians.


2020 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 105-118
Author(s):  
Małgorzata STRZYŻ ◽  
Maria ŚMIGIELSKA

Today, spatial planning is playing a more and more significant role in forming spatial development at the local level (municipality, town/city). It is closely connected with numerous documents underlying the implementation of the sustainable policy in the sphere of local development. The article presents an analysis of relevant planning documents at the national level, especially, at the level of the Podlaskie, Świętokrzyskie and Opolskie Voivodeships (provinces). Based on the analysis of spatial functioning in the range of small cities (towns) located in two provinces in the so-called Poland B (Eastern Poland) and one province in the so-called Poland A, the initial recognition of the impact of small urban centres on theregional development was made at different levels. The current economic system rooted in the premises of the innovative development of regions requires conducting detailed studies in the field of investigating its internal structure and external dependencies. As a complex, dynamic mechanism, generating an increase in the quality of life corresponding to the human resources, it also requires an appropriate management remaining in harmony with modern, strategic and spatial economy. The article selectively determines the problems appearing in the economic system of a region and indicates the need to solve the most essential development problems, e.g. those arising due to the obligatory introduction of social and economic scientific descriptions as the fundamental documents for the needs of creating sustainable development of the small-town landscape.  


Author(s):  
José Rodrigues Filho ◽  
João Rodrigues dos Santos Junior

E-government has the potential to enhance democracy and transparency, increasing opportunities for citizen interaction. Literature has given many examples of successes and failures in its implementation, especially at the national level. Now, there are claims that the greatest opportunities for e-government are at the local level, because local governments have more contact with citizens. However, little attention has been paid to the highly bureaucratic and paternalistic government structures at local levels, and to how information and communication technologies (ICTs) may affect interaction and participation. Most of the literature fails to cover this relationship, and most of the time tries to emphasize just the technical obstacles instead of obstacles of a non-technical nature, such as political and bureaucratic barriers. In this study, an attempt is made to show that ICTs in municipal government in Brazil are designed in such a way that they resemble the traditional political structures, maintaining politics as usual and avoiding new forms of interaction and participation.


2019 ◽  
pp. 135-152
Author(s):  
Apoorva Pauranik

The spectrum of advocacy for neurology is very wide. This chapter aims to describe and analyse advocacy on the geographical or spatial axis—that is, advocacy at the local level (micro), regional level (meso), and national level (macro). These distinctions may appear arbitrary with hazy boundaries and many overlaps. Yet they serve a tangible purpose for the sake of our understanding. The first two main sections dwell upon (i) education and awareness at different levels and (ii) engagement with various institutions of government. The later three briefer sections cover (iii) role of patient support groups; (iv) roping in of charities, non-government organizations (NGOs), and celebrities; and finally (v) advocacy within our own professional associations. This chapter will cite examples of a wide variety of advocacy actions plans for neurology, so that more action plans can be conceived and executed at various levels. Another chapter of this book deals with advocacy at the international level (Chapter 14, ‘Advocacy in the international arena’). This chapter concludes with an emphasis on role of humanities as an aid in advocacy efforts, the need for a balance between vertical and horizontal approaches to healthcare, and the importance of research into efficacy of advocacy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arild Engelsen Ruud ◽  
Kenneth Bo Nielsen

Political dynasticism is a persuasive phenomenon in South Asia. Yet, while political dynasticism has received ample attention at the national level, it has been almost systematically overlooked at the regional and local levels. In this article, we argue that political dynasticism at the local level is driven by conditions that are in crucial ways different from those that animate national politics. We use case studies and insights from the available literature both within and beyond South Asia to argue that, in a comparative light, three main elements stand out: reciprocity, trust, and failure. By zooming in on these elements we seek to explain political dynasticism as a political phenomenon that is enabled by particular conditions in the polity, and especially the nature of the state. These, we argue, help foment a dynamic within which political dynasticism is an understandable outcome.


Author(s):  
Åsa Wedin

This study aims to investigate how the educational and linguistic backgrounds of teachers affect how they are positioned and how they position themselves in relation to their profession in a language introduction programme at upper secondary school in Sweden. Material from two years of study at one school was used to conduct a nexus analysis. The material comprised policy documents at the national and local levels; interviews with principals and teachers; and classroom and school environment observations. Conflicting discourses appear in the analysis in terms of teacher competence and teacher roles. Those teachers who had the relevant professional competence, as according to national documents, felt that their knowledge was not acknowledged and that they were not listened to. Official documents state that principals are responsible for fulfilling stipulated demands; however, they do not always have the necessary knowledge as this is not a requirement for their position. Thus, an ambiguous picture appears where teachers who are positioned as competent at the national level are positioned only to teach their own subject and are not given voice on issues relating to general teacher competence and organisation of education at the local level. This article highlights the importance of knowledge and understanding relating to L2 student learning at the management level.


2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-128
Author(s):  
Slobodan Orlović ◽  
Nataša Rajić

Financial autonomy is of crucial importance for the political automony within the vertical organisation of power. Local level of government seems to be in the most vunerable position, bearing in mind the flexibility of the constitutional framework in this area. The communication between different levels of government is an useful tool in searching for a balans between local needs and needs of public financial sector as a whole. The subject of this paper is the existance of normative and institutional preconditions for integovernmental dialogue between central and local levels of government in the Republic of Serbia. This question had been put into the wider social and political context which include the constitutional position of local self-government, the type of eceltoral system on the both levels as well as the degree of constitutional and political culture in our society. The results of research show that there are normative and institutional preconditions for intergovernmental dialogue in the constitutional system of the Republic of Serbia, but, in reality, there is still much space for developing of a such kind of cooperation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document