US Policy in Arab Gulf Opinion: Data from Saudi Arabia and Kuwait

AlMuntaqa ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
El Kurd
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Arab Gulf

scholarly journals The Impact of Sectarian Conflict in Syria on Iran-Gulf Relations

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. 92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saleem A. Salih Al-Dulaimi ◽  
Mohammad Kamal ◽  
Dalal Mahmoud Elsayed
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Open Approach ◽  
Gulf Region ◽  
Gulf Countries ◽  
Proxy War ◽  
Gulf States ◽  
Sectarian Conflict ◽  
Arab Gulf ◽  
Arab Gulf States ◽  
The Impact

Iran-Gulf relations are a confusing maze of complexities and contradictions. Iran’s voracious aspirations have been manifest in more than one act and place. The 1979 Revolution created a pervasive atmosphere of anxiety and fear in the Gulf region of that revolution’s ideological expansion into the Gulf states, especially those countries in which Shiites form important parts of their societies. In the Iran-Iraq war 1980, on the other hand, the Arab Gulf states supported Iraq against Iran as it was a proxy war to protect the Arab Gulf states, and Saddam Hussein, nevertheless, ended up occupying Kuwait in 1990. And then the Iranian-Gulf relations took a new turn at the time of both presidents Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mohammad Khatami, who adopted an open approach to the Gulf countries. However, those relations worsened when Ahmadinejad came to power as he started to export the revolutionary thought to the Gulf countries and extended the Iranian influence to Iraq after 2003, to Syria in the aftermath of the revolution that erupted in Syria in 2011 and to the Gulf Cooperation Council states, especially in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Bahrain. All this comes at the expense of the Gulf states, particularly Saudi Arabia, which is keen to maintain its influential role in the face of Iranian encroachment in Syria, through the support of the Syrian revolution, which seeks to overthrow Iran's ally in Damascus, Bashar al-Assad. Therefore, this study is trying to find an answer to this question: how has sectarian conflict in Syria impacted the Iranian-Gulf relations?

scholarly journals Education is the Key to Increase Gulf Women's Contribution in Economic Development

1970 ◽  
pp. 10-11
Author(s):  
Maha Samara
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
The Family ◽  
Arab Gulf

Before the discovery of oil in the Arab Gulf i.e. Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Oman and Bahrain, conditions of women were correlated with the conditions of their husbands, and the classification of the family in the tribal and class systems.

scholarly journals Education In The Arab Gulf States and the Arab World

2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 172-175
Author(s):  
Zeinab Ibrahim
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Historical Overview ◽  
The Social ◽  
Gulf States ◽  
Arab Gulf ◽  
Arab Gulf States

Education In The Arab Gulf States And The Arab World: An AnnotatedBibliography is divided into six parts. Each part contains between one toten chapters according to the topic. In the preface, the author mentions thatshe includes all references found in US libraries and the Libraryof Congress and does not include references from Arab countries. Shealso mentions that she was "selective" in her choices of what to includeand what not. For example, literature from the social sciences thatcontained a lot of stereotyping and biased information about Islam, Arabsand Arab society in general was excluded. Unpublished works alsowere not included. The author then describes her method of listing thebibliography: when there was literature available on the Arab world ingeneral, she included that, and then she would list the seven Gulf States inalphabetical order. If there were no references for a country, then thecountry is not mentioned and she jumps to the next country in that order.Part One contains only one chapter, which is the introduction. ElSannbarypresents an historical overview of the Gulf States, which is herfocus: Bahrain, Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UnitedArab Emirates. A map of the region is presented on page four. She surveysthe history and the present conditions of the seven states economically,politically and educationally. The rest of the chapter includes a one-pagesummary on all the topics, which are mainly the chapters that follow.Part Two comes under the heading "General Background andResources", and consists of three chapters. Chapter Two, "Context ofEducation", contains 165 entries. It starts with the Arab World (entry 1-52)followed by Bahrain (52-60), Iraq (61-76), Kuwait (77-95), Oman (96-102), Qatar (103-108), Saudi Arabia (109-154), and the United ArabEmirates, (155-165). This is the system followed throughout the wholebook. When there is no literature available on a country, it is notmentioned. Chapter Three, "Bibliographies and References", starts withgeneral references (166- 215), and then is followed by Iraq (216), Kuwait(217), Oman (218-2190, Qatar (220-223), United Arab Emirates (224)and finally educational references (225-259). Chapter Four, "Religion andEducation," lists 120 entries (260-380) ...

Can Conservative Arab Gulf Monarchies Endure a Fourth War in the Persian Gulf?

2007 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph A. Kéchichian
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Persian Gulf ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Nuclear State ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
Arab Gulf ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
Regional Interests

The existing regional balance of power in the Persian Gulf is likely to shift after Iran becomes a nuclear state. Conservative Arab Gulf monarchies, which emerged relatively unscathed from previous tectonic changes, are poised to mimic the Iranian program with far-reaching consequences for all concerned. Although major powers may well tolerate a nuclearized Iran, its neighbors face daunting security challenges to protect and promote preferred regional interests, including tested alliances with key Western governments. Saudi Arabia and its smaller Arab Gulf partners will need to exercise savvy policies to prevent a fourth regional war before the first decade of the 21st century is out. They may even have to address intrinsic political and socioeconomic reforms to preserve existing privileges.

scholarly journals The impact of Arab Revolution on the security of the Arabian Gulf

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-148
Author(s):  
Saleh Zaid Al-Otaibi
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Arabian Gulf ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Sultanate Of Oman ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Gcc Countries ◽  
Offensive Realism ◽  
Arab Gulf ◽  
The Impact

Purpose This study aims to analyze the impact of Arab Revolution on the Arabian Gulf security by applying on Yemeni Revolution. This can be achieved by analyzing the threat of Arab Spring Revolutions to the national security of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries after the breakout of demonstrations and protests in some of the member states. In addition to its analysis of threat of the Regional Security of the Gulf as a result of Yemeni Revolution and Civil War and Iranian intervention to support Houthis within light of regional anarchy and security competition according to the Neorealism and how the GCC Countries face such threats. Design/methodology/approach The study depended on the historical methodology to track the developments of some events related to the Gulf Security and crisis in Yemen. Moreover, it used the analytical approach to analyze the impact of Arab Revolutions and Yemeni Civil War on the Arab Gulf Security. In addition, it depended on the realistic approach to explain the security state at the national and regional level of the Arab Gulf countries within light of regional anarchy, security competition and Iranian support to Houthis “Non-State Actors” (Kenneth Waltz), as well as the offensive realism (John Mearsheimer). Findings The Arab Revolutions had an effect on the national security of GCC countries according to the Neorealism due to the breakout of demonstrations and protests in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Sultanate of Oman which reached to the degree of threatening the existence of the state as in Bahrain. The Gulf Regional Security is influenced by Revolution and Civil War in Yemen as a result of that Iranian support to Houthis within light of security competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia, leading to the threat of the Arabian Gulf Security as Yemen is the southern gate to the GCC Countries and having joint borders with Saudi Arabia and Sultanate of Oman. Moreover, the GCC countries dealt with that threat individually, such as, performing internal reforms, or collectively through using military force, such as Bahrain and Yemen (Offensive Realism). Originality/value This study is an introduction to explain the Arab Spring Revolutions, conflict in Yemen and its threat to the Arab Gulf Security according to the Neorealism based on that the GCC countries sought to keep its existence and sovereignty in confrontation to the demonstrations and internal protests and to keep the regional security in confrontation to the threats of neighboring countries such as the Civil War in Yemen and the Iranian Support to Houthis in light of the regional anarchy.

The Arab Gulf connections of the Taliban

2018 ◽  
pp. 141-154
Author(s):  
Antonio Giustozzi
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Competitive Dynamics ◽  
Regional Politics ◽  
American Hegemony ◽  
Arab Gulf

Antonio Giustozzi’s chapter charts out the reactionary policies of Gulf monarchies to the evolving regional politics in Afghanistan and to changing perceptions of American hegemony post 2003. It traces the post-9/11 funding of the Afghan Taliban sourcing from Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar. The competition between Iran and these Sunni funders in buying hegemony in the region is explored as also the competitive dynamics amongst the Sunni funders themselves, particularly the Saudis and Qataris. The role of Pakistan in lobbying for the involvement of the Gulf powers in nurturing the Afghan Taliban while simultaneously pursuing the ‘peace process’ is equally scrutinized. Finally, the complications caused by Pakistan’s conciliatory approach towards the Iranian presence along with the Taliban and a subsequent fallout between the Gulf and Pakistani agendas are explained.

scholarly journals Impact of Saudi Arabia's Sugary Drink Tax on Prices and Purchases (P10-066-19)

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Reem Alsukait ◽  
Parke Wilde ◽  
Sara Bleich ◽  
Gitanjali Singh ◽  
Sara Folta
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Value Added ◽  
Energy Drinks ◽  
Energy Drink ◽  
Substantial Impact ◽  
Excise Taxes ◽  
Gulf Countries ◽  
Increased Risk ◽  
Arab Gulf ◽  
The Impact

Abstract Objectives Consumption of sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) has been associated with weight gain and an increased risk of type 2 diabetes and cardiovascular disease. Use of governmental policies, such as taxation, to reduce SSB consumption, has been successful in a number of global settings. However, the impact of such tax has not been examined in Arab Gulf countries where prevalence of obesity is high, and a unified excise tax was adopted in 2016. This tax increased the price of soda and energy drinks by 50% and 100% respectively, making it the largest beverage tax to date. date. Saudi Arabia was the first of the six Arab Gulf countries to implement these taxes in June 2017, followed by the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Oman, and Qatar. Saudi Arabia additionally added a 5% value added tax (VAT) to their beverage tax in 2018. We describe the impact of these excise taxes by examining price changes and purchases of taxed beverages pre-post taxation in Saudi Arabia Methods This is an observational study of a natural experiment with a pre-post design. The Saudi General Authority for Statistics’ national-level monthly survey of average prices for soda from 2009–2018 was used to describe the changes in the prices of the taxed beverage before and after the tax's implementation. The 2004–2018 Euromonitor annual volume sales data for Saudi Arabia was used to describe the changes in soda and energy drink sales. Results Post beverage and VAT implementation, annual pruchases (volume per capita) of soda and energy drinks were reduced by 41% and 58%, respectively in 2018 compared to 2016. During the same time period, soda prices prices increased by 67% compared to the announced 55% tax rate (price per can from 1.5 to 2.5 Saudi Riyals). Prior to the implementation of excise taxes, soda prices have been consistent in Saudi Arabia, except for one price increase by manufacturers in 2010 (Figure 1). Conclusions These results highlight the substantial impact of excise taxation on the reduction of soda and energy drink sales in Saudi Arabia and contribute to the growing body of global evidence on the effects of SSB taxation on consumption, especially in other Arab Gulf countries that have implemented a similar tax structure. Funding Sources Reem Alsukait is a doctoral student supported by King Saud University, Saudi Arabia. Supporting Tables, Images and/or Graphs

Notes on the verbal system of Gulf Pidgin Arabic

2010 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Murtadha J. Bakir
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Morphological Characteristics ◽  
Western Coast ◽  
Sentence Structure ◽  
Verbal System ◽  
Linguistic Form ◽  
Linguistic System ◽  
Form Part ◽  
The Status ◽  
Arab Gulf

This is a description of one of the essential constituents of sentence structure in one reduced linguistic system in use in various countries of the western coast of the Arab Gulf and Saudi Arabia, that has been given the name Gulf Pidgin Arabic (GPA) in the very little that has been written about it. The paper starts with locating this reduced linguistic form in its sociolinguistic background. This is followed by a description of the morphological characteristics of the verbs used in this system. The discussion also involves how the grammatical categories that form part of the verbal system are signaled, when and if they are (e.g. tense, aspect, mood, modality, and those that mark agreement like gender, person, and number). Furthermore, the paper deals with the status of the copulative element and predication marker fii and sentence negation in relation to the verbal system. It ends with a discussion of the properties of GPA compared to the general characteristics of world pidgins and to other Arabic-based pidgins and creoles.

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